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Middle East crisis live: Rubio says opening the strait of Hormuz is first condition in talks with Iran

Hezbollah will not accept a “partial ceasefire” with Israel, a senior official from the Iran-backed group said Tuesday, refusing to halt attacks against northern Israel in exchange for Israel sparing Beirut’s southern suburbs. “We will not accept a partial ceasefire,” Mahmud Qomati told AFP in a written statement, adding that “the Zionist enemy should know that any aggression against the suburbs could lead to a deeper and stronger response” from the group. On Monday, US president Donald Trump announced a deal which Lebanese officials later said involved Israel refraining from attacking Beirut’s southern suburbs in return for Hezbollah not attacking Israeli territory.

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Pope Leo appoints first lay woman to a top position in Vatican

Pope Leo has appointed the first lay woman to a top position in the governance of the Roman Catholic church. Maria Montserrat Alvarado, who is now president of the US-based Catholic media outlet, EWTN News, will lead the Vatican’s powerful communications department, which was set up by the late Pope Francis in 2015 and oversees the Vatican’s news site as well as its radio station, newspaper, press office, publishing house and film library. Alvarado, who was born in Mexico City and has been a US citizen since 2008, begins the role on 1 November, replacing Paolo Ruffini, who is retiring, the Vatican said in a statement. While nuns and lay women have held influential roles within the Roman curia, she is “the first nonreligious woman to be appointed prefect of a dicastery of the Holy See”, according to Vatican News. In a statement, Alvarado said that while the appointment was “unexpected” she received it “with a sincere desire to serve the Holy Father as he begins his pontificate”. She added: “I am grateful to Paolo Ruffini for his leadership throughout the last years and look forward to continuing, in friendship and hope, the important work of strengthening the dicastery so it may continue to serve the church in Rome and everywhere to communicate Christ to the world.” Alvarado’s appointment is a sign that Leo, the first US-born pontiff elected in May last year, is continuing along the path initiated by Francis, who during his 12-year papacy made strides in boosting the female workforce in the Vatican while appointing several lay women into the top echelons of its governance. In the months before he died, Francis named two nuns – Raffaella Petrini and Simona Brambilla – in top positions while criticising the “chauvinistic mentality” within the Catholic church. Francis also modernised the Vatican’s communication while making its messaging style less formal and more accessible. Leo has indicated that he too wants to make changes, summoning cardinals to the Vatican in late June for a meeting to “reassess the effectiveness of ecclesial communication, including at the level of the Holy See, from a more explicitly missionary perspective”. “Even when the church finds herself in a minority, she is called to live with confident courage, as a small flock bringing hope to all, mindful that the aim of mission is not its own survival, but the communication of the love with which God loves the world,” Leo wrote in a letter to his cardinals announcing the meeting. Alvarado joined EWTN as a news anchor and has been president and chief operating officer since 2023. Francis criticised the network on more than one occasion, in response to some of its programming criticising elements of his papacy.

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‘We don’t have another country to run to’: Kenyans fear US plan for Ebola quarantine site

People from a town in central Kenya where the US wants to set up an Ebola quarantine facility for its citizens have strongly criticised the plan, saying they fear it will expose them to the virus and that it is indicative of double standards on the part of the US. “Everybody should be quarantined in their home country. We shouldn’t allow foreigners to bring us diseases,” said Charles Mathenge, a taxi driver who lives near Laikipia Air Base, the proposed site in Nanyuki, 120 miles from the capital, Nairobi. “Kenya is our country, and we should be careful with it.” There has been rising nationwide anger in recent days. Two people died from gunshot wounds when police opened fire on demonstrators near the airbase on Monday, according to a protest organiser. Police said they were unaware of any deaths. David Mulinge, a souvenir seller, said: “What’s shocking is that the Americans don’t want their infected fellow citizens to step into their own country but to come to Kenya. That’s like treating us as lesser beings.” Health officials in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are battling to contain an outbreak of the virus. The outbreak was declared on 15 May, but the virus is thought to have been circulating undetected for weeks before then. The epidemic, which the World Health Organization (WHO) has declared a public health emergency of international concern, is caused by the rare Bundibugyo virus, which has no vaccine or approved treatment. So far, there have been 41 deaths and 321 confirmed cases in the DRC, and one death and nine confirmed cases in Uganda, the WHO said on ‌Tuesday. There are no known cases in Kenya. The US government plans to send 30 medical personnel to staff the Nanyuki facility, which, if completed, will have 50 beds. In previous Ebola outbreaks, the US has returned affected citizens home for medical treatment. The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, said on 28 May that the US must keep potential Ebola patients out of the country. “We cannot and will not allow any cases of Ebola to enter the United States,” he said at a cabinet meeting. Last month, an American doctor who contracted Ebola in the DRC was flown to Germany for care, with his wife and four children. The proposal has caused outrage in Kenya. In a statement published last week, Dr Davji Atellah from the Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists and Dentists Union said the group would not “sit back and watch Kenya be treated as a containment colony”. “If it is too dangerous for America, it is too dangerous for Kenya,” he said. After a petition by the Kenyan nonprofit Katiba Institute, the Nairobi high court last week temporarily blocked the establishment of the facility and the admission into the country of people exposed to Ebola. The organisation said an arrangement between the Kenyan and US governments over the facility raised serious concerns about public health, governance and sovereignty. Jeremy Lewin, the US Under Secretary for Foreign Assistance, Humanitarian Affairs, and Religious Freedom, said the US government was in touch with Kenyan authorities and was optimistic about resolving the issue. On Tuesday Kenya’s president, William Ruto, defended the plan, saying it was being politicised and that it was part of a broader system for national health preparedness. “These measures are intended solely to safeguard public health and strengthen our capacity to respond effectively to health emergencies,” he said. But the high court judge Patricia Nyaundi later barred the Kenyan government from proceeding with the plan before the case is resolved. She also ordered the government to disclose all agreements related to the facility within seven days. The next hearing is due on 23 June. In Nanyuki, an agricultural hub of more than 70,000 people that sits almost directly on the equator and hosts a British army training unit, conversations about the planned quarantine facility are taking place among concerned people in shops, markets, homes and elsewhere. Simon Ng’ono, a motorcycle taxi operator, questioned why the US, which has more advanced healthcare infrastructure and resources than Kenya, wanted to bring Americans exposed to Ebola to the town. “President Ruto should completely abandon this plan and close our borders to patients from other countries,” he added. Mulinge said he was concerned about the potential for the virus to spread quickly in Nanyuki, where he said people engage in a lot of physical contact in businesses and social settings. “We’re very scared about contracting the disease,” he said. Fauzia Owinde, a street food seller, said she feared the return of a curfew or lockdown like during the Covid-19 pandemic if Ebola spreads to the community, and said it would disrupt her business and make her unable to provide for her child. “We’d die in our houses,” she said. The airbase hosts a primary and secondary school, and many people are worried that a spread of the disease would affect students. “My grandchildren [are] there daily,” said Mathenge. “We don’t want a problem.” Purity Kendi, a business person who lives and works near the airbase, said she felt betrayed by the Kenyan government. “We expect our leaders to protect us but they’ve showed us that they don’t care about us,” she said. She urged Kenyans across the country to unite and oppose the plan. “We don’t have another country to run to,” she said.

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Patriot missile shortage has created ‘window of vulnerability’ Russia is exploiting in Ukraine

Russia is exploiting a critical global shortage of air defence interceptor missiles as it ramps up its airstrikes against Ukraine, amid warnings that a shortfall for the Patriot system in particular is creating a “window of vulnerability” for the countries that rely on them. The MIM-104 Patriot manufactured by Raytheon and Lockheed Martin is the primary surface-to-air system of the US military to shoot down ballistic missiles, and has been widely relied on by US allies – not least in the Gulf, as well as by Ukraine. Each individual battery, consisting of multiple elements, costs about $1bn (£740m) and their heavy use during the current protracted US-Israeli campaign against Iran, in addition to Ukraine, has triggered a scramble for the dwindling supply of interceptor missiles. On Tuesday, in the aftermath of the latest massive Russian air raid on Ukraine – in which Moscow fired 73 missiles and almost 700 drones – President Volodymyr Zelenskyy repeated his plea from last week to the US for more stocks of interceptors, as experts warn that the already well-documented shortages will have been noted from China to Iran, even as the US moves to step up production. And while the most obvious impact is for Ukraine and the Gulf in the event of protracted tensions from a partial peace deal with Iran, the shortage has a longer tail. Interceptor shortages – notably Patriot – will also affect Nato’s readiness planning, amid assessments of a growing Russian threat to Europe, with Germany, the Netherlands, Greece, Spain, Poland and Sweden among those using the system. If a shorthand for the crisis is too many wars and not enough interceptors, analysts say the problem has been created by the convergence of multiple issues, including cost-cutting, mistaken assumptions in long-term defence planning and procurement – and a failure to anticipate the risk that in a US-Israeli war with Iran it would be able to continue firing missiles on its Gulf neighbours over an extended period. That conflict, according to some estimates, has depleted almost a third of the stockpiles of Patriot interceptor, with Gulf states – according to one estimate – collectively firing more than 1,100 interceptors. The threat of Iranian ballistic missiles is still present, with two reportedly fired at Kuwait on Monday. At the heart of the issue is the rate – about 600 a year – at which Lockheed Martin makes the interceptors for the batteries. It has recently said it aims to more than treble production of the interceptors, which cost about $3m each. “Thirty two per cent [of interceptors fired] sounds about right,” said Mark Cancian of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a US-based thinktank. Its audit published last week of the weapons used in the Iran war describes “the time needed to rebuild inventories” of missiles of all sorts as “a major concern”. “We know the Gulf states have used most of their stockpile,” he added, saying that while the total supply of interceptors stood at about 68%, the consequence was countries that needed them most were now competing for a declining pool. He said there was a “window of vulnerability” as inventories had been used up and time was required to rebuild them. And while the Patriot is seen as highly effective (if not foolproof) after an inauspicious debut against Saddam Hussein’s Scud missiles during the 1991 Gulf war, the high cost of the system meant it was a victim of a peace dividend in the aftermath of the cold war. “Even during the cold war munitions systems had a hard time in budget processes,” said Cancian. “You buy an air defence missile, you might end up with it in storage for 20 years, and if it’s not used then dispose of it. It’s not like if you put money into a plane, or tank or ship that you at least can use for exercises.” One consequence is countries with Patriots kept small interceptor stockpiles as many did not anticipate a pressing scenario where they may be used. While other air defence interception systems exist – such as Germany’s cheaper Iris-T, which is favoured against cruise missiles and drones – the Patriot is regarded as the best defence against high-flying ballistic missiles. “That’s where we were at until Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. That changed a lot of thinking about how protracted conflict might lead to running short. The Biden administration started efforts to build up defence industrial, but it takes time,” Cancian said. “If you want to increase production capability it takes years, which is why we will be looking at a shortage now probably for two to three years.” His colleague Tom Karako, the director of the Missile Defense Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told the New York Times in April that the US and Israel had begun the Iran war with a “big hole” in their interceptor stockpiles. “The hole got a lot bigger over the last month as we keep shooting these things off,” he said – and with no meaningful ceasefire with Iran, that hole remains. Already that appears to have shaped Russian tactics in the war in Ukraine, where access to Patriots has long been a source of friction between Kyiv and a Trump administration whose support for Ukraine has at best been half-hearted and at worst verging on hostile. The problem has become increasingly urgent amid Russian threats to launch more massive systemic air attacks against Ukraine, including government buildings. “It’s not good,” said Phillips O’Brien, a professor of strategic studies at the University of St Andrews. “Ukraine has had to deal with this before as the Trump administration has slow walked deliveries to Europe for the Ukrainians for a while. In January the Ukrainians were reportedly almost out of Patriots. “So it’s not unexpected and they have contingencies, but it does raise the percentage chance of the Russians getting hits on crucial infrastructure […] I think the huge ramping up of strikes on Ukrainian power and heating in January was done with the knowledge that the US had left Ukraine with a real Patriot shortage. Remember they used an Oreshnik [ballistic missile] then in their mass strike on western Ukraine. That was a sign that they really wanted to hit those targets.” Yuri Ignat, spokesperson for Ukraine’s air force, underlined the point. “If we are talking about countering a ballistic threat, then, apart from the Patriot systems, there is currently nothing in Ukraine capable of shooting down ballistic missiles, and so we have an extremely problematic situation regarding our missile stockpile. “Today, there are Patriot systems in Ukraine, but there is a serious need for additional supplies against the backdrop of threats from Putin, threats from Russia to continue strikes specifically on the capital – as they talk about strikes on decision-making centres, they declare this and so on – so communication is being carried out to help us with these resources. “That is precisely why President Zelenskyy constantly emphasises issues relating to air defence, particularly the supply of interceptors.” Although Trump and his defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, have insisted the US has sufficient supplies of munitions to fight any war, including with China over Taiwan, some have questioned whether the Trump administration anticipated what a months-long war against an undefeated Iran could mean in practical terms. Pentagon officials “knew the reality of our military stockpiles and hopefully told someone, ‘Hey, if we go to this fight, even in the most conservative estimates, we are drawing down our stockpiles to a critical level’,” Virginia Burger, a former marine officer and the senior defence policy analyst at the US-based watchdog Project On Government Oversight told the Associated Press last week.

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My father, the German refugee who fought the Nazis as a ‘secret listener’

When the Nazis came to power in Germany in January 1933, Fritz Lustig, my father, was a 13-year-old schoolboy growing up in Berlin. He was a budding musician with dreams of becoming a professional cellist but, by the time he left school four years later, it was clear that under the Nazis, even though his family had largely cast aside their Jewish heritage, his options were going to be extremely limited. Neither he, nor any of his anxious relatives, could possibly imagine the scale of the horrors that lay in store – but after the anti-Jewish pogrom of Kristallnacht in 1938, it was impossible to ignore the gathering storm clouds. So, like millions of young men before him and since, he decided that his future lay away from home, and in April 1939, two weeks after his 20th birthday, he became a refugee, arriving by boat in Southampton, his beloved cello clutched firmly at his side. An unaccompanied male of fighting age, seeking asylum and hoping for a chance of a better life. Sound familiar? Admittedly, he didn’t clamber ashore after having risked his life crossing the Channel in an inflatable rubber dinghy. But he was a foreigner, with a foreign accent and no qualifications other than his school leaving certificate. He was the sort of undesirable alien referred to by a London magistrate, and quoted approvingly in the Daily Mail, in 1938: “The way stateless Jews and Germans are pouring in from every port of this country is becoming an outrage …” Then, as now, the outrage was unwarranted. In the years leading up to the second world war, between 70,000 and 80,000 Jewish refugees were allowed into the UK. But up to 10 times as many were refused entry. Among them was my maternal grandmother, who was shot by a Nazi execution squad in 1941. While researching my family history, I have frequently been struck by the parallels between the experiences of the 1930s refugees from Germany and Austria and those arriving on our shores today. Whereas in the 30s, Jewish refugees were often demonised as work-shy Bolsheviks or worse, today’s refugees from countries such as Sudan, Eritrea, Afghanistan and Iran are portrayed as potential Islamist terrorists. There is nothing new about fear of the foreigner. In July 1940, the police came looking for my father, as he knew they would, even though he was in Britain perfectly legally. The Nazis had swept through Europe and were threatening a cross-Channel invasion from northern France. Churchill feared that there might be secret Nazi sympathisers among the UK’s refugees and issued his notorious order to “collar the lot”. My father was arrested and shipped off to the Isle of Man, where he was held as an “enemy alien” in an internment camp behind barbed wire. The camp was, in reality, a parade of sea-front hotels and guesthouses, remarkably like the hotels used to accommodate asylum-seekers today – and the first thing my father did when he got there was volunteer to join the British army. It took just six weeks for his application to be approved, and while he was waiting, he and other detained refugee musicians entertained their fellow prisoners with a series of impromptu concerts. So here’s a “what if?” question. Suppose some of today’s unaccompanied, male refugees of fighting age were offered the opportunity to join the UK’s armed forces instead of languishing in hotels or on unused military bases. Would some of them be tempted? Even if the UK, fortunately, is not facing the threat of invasion from a fascist army on the European mainland, might this be a way to fill some of the forces’ recruitment shortfall? And if that is a step too far, how about recruiting asylum seekers to become builders’ apprentices, just as my father was back in 1939 as a condition of his visa? (Somewhere on the A1307, just outside Cambridge, there still stands a house that he helped to build.) It is no secret, after all, that the British construction industry is desperately short of labour, and the government is already planning to invest £600m to train up to 60,000 engineers, bricklayers, electricians and carpenters. Why not use some of the money to train asylum seekers? My father’s career as a builder was short-lived. Once war was declared, housebuilding came to a standstill, and he ended up working first as a cleaner in various Cambridge colleges, and then as a gardener at a school in the East Midlands, which is where the police found him. Once he had been released from internment and had enrolled in the British army, where he spent three years playing his cello in an army orchestra – not his idea of how he could best contribute to the defeat of the Nazis – my father was recruited into a top-secret military intelligence unit, eavesdropping on the bugged conversations of German prisoners of war and picking up invaluable nuggets of intelligence. It was quite a leap from when he had been classified as an enemy alien and labelled a potential threat to the UK’s national security. It was also, according to the second world war historian Helen Fry, who has written extensively about the unit, “the biggest bugging operation ever mounted against the enemy in British history.” The unit’s commanding officer, Lt Col Thomas Kendrick, a long-serving MI6 spymaster, told my father that the work he was doing as a “secret listener”, spending endless hours with headphones clamped to his ears, listening out for the prisoners’ indiscretions (“The interrogator wanted to know all about our secret missile development programme at Peenemünde, but of course I didn’t tell them a thing …”) would be a lot more important than if he was firing a gun or fighting on the frontline. Which turned out not to be an exaggeration, as it was careless prison cell talk about the “secret weapons” being developed at Peenemünde that enabled the RAF to unleash Operation Hydra against the Nazis’ V1 flying bombs – known as doodlebugs – in August 1943. As soon as the war was over, my father became a British citizen. By definition, therefore, and in law, he was now British. But was he? Really? With a German name and a German accent? Not according to today’s ethno-nationalists, who argue that in order to qualify as a real Briton, you must be able to trace your good yeoman ancestry back for several generations. According to Charlie Downes, spokeperson of Restore Britain, a far-right party that is backed by Elon Musk and makes Nigel Farage’s Reform UK look like a bunch of wishy-washy liberals: “Britain is a people defined by indigenous British ancestry and Christian faith.” Which rules out, just to take a few random examples, Zia Yusuf of Reform UK, whose parents were immigrants from Sri Lanka; Rishi Sunak, whose Indian-origin parents were immigrants from east Africa; Kemi Badenoch, whose parents came to the UK from Nigeria; and deputy prime minister David Lammy, whose parents were from Guyana. It would also rule me out, born and brought up in Britain, with two immigrant parents, and speaking with an impeccable BBC accent. Were my parents somehow less British, however valuable their wartime work might have been (my mother, Susan, another refugee, also worked for MI19, the “secret listener” unit, which is where she met my father), just because they celebrated Christmas, as Europeans, on Christmas Eve rather than Christmas Day? Where do you draw the line between honouring your family’s cultural and religious traditions and adopting the traditions of your new home country? Are my British-born Greek Cypriot friends somehow less British because their children learned Greek? Are British Muslims less British because they mark Ramadan? My father’s family had a long history of assimilation. His own parents were married in a non-religious wedding in 1903, and he and his three siblings had all been confirmed into the Lutheran church. No surprise, then, that when my brother and I appeared on the scene in the years after after the second world war, neither of us was taught to speak German. What mattered most to our parents was that we should fit in, indistinguishable from our “ethnically British” friends. My father wrote in his privately published memoir: “However much I have tried to acclimatise and integrate during the 77 years I have been in the UK, I will always be somebody of central European origin, quite apart from my accent. Unless you were born and grew up in this country, you will never be an Englishman, and nobody will call you that. But all the same, I call Britain my ‘home country’, as I feel at home here, and I am glad this is where I lived my life.” So determined was he to “acclimatise and integrate” that he tried for a time to change his given name at his place of work from Fritz to Frank, painfully aware that for many Britons, Fritz was the generic, derogatory name they gave to their wartime enemy. I still have vivid memories of my 1950s schoolmates zooming around the school playground, arms outstretched as they pretended to be heroic RAF Battle of Britain pilots and shouting: “Take that, Fritz, you filthy Hun …” My father’s attempted name change didn’t last long – all his musician friends had always known him as Fritz and it got too confusing when his work world and his music world collided – and he was never tempted to go the whole hog and change his family name as well. (One Australian branch of the family did become Lusty, which he regarded as even worse than the original. I will always be grateful to him for his good sense.) For much of his adult life, my father could have been best described as self-effacing, and happy to stay in the shadows (except when playing his cello) and let his far more outgoing wife do the talking. But, when I got married in 1980, he made a witty, well-received speech to our guests and finally decided that his, by now, slight German accent was no longer an impediment to revealing more of himself. And, when the details of his secret wartime work were revealed 20 years later, there was no stopping him. As one of the last surviving secret listeners, he was constantly being interviewed on radio and television. “You know me,” he said, when I queried whether he was perhaps doing too much. “I’ll talk to anyone.” His last TV interview was broadcast the day after he died in 2017 at the age of 98. His death was reported by the BBC and marked by obituaries in the Guardian and the Times. Not quite up there, perhaps, with fellow refugees such as Albert Einstein, the Google co-founder Sergey Brin, Freddie Mercury, Marc Chagall or Madeleine Albright – but one more refugee, nonetheless, who made a lasting contribution to the countries that granted them sanctuary. • And the Cello Came Too: A Story of Survival by Robin Lustig is published by Marble Hill Publishers (£20) • Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here

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Barnaby Joyce rallies anti-abortion activists ahead of tight NSW vote

One Nation’s Barnaby Joyce has joined pro-life campaigners to pile pressure on Nationals MPs to vote to criminalise some abortions ahead of a tight vote in New South Wales. Anti-abortion activists have threatened to campaign for One Nation against major parties to force new limits on terminating pregnancies on the back of its polling surge. Introduced to chants of “Nats must act,” Joyce addressed a rally against “sex-selective” abortions outside NSW parliament on Tuesday night. “You must keep that fire burning for those people who can’t stand up for themselves, and I call them people, they’re not foetuses,” Joyce said. “They are people.” “Politically, does this make you popular? Nup, nup. Probably lose half the votes every time you do it. But you know why you do it? Because it’s the right thing to do.” He encouraged the crowd to campaign against sitting politiciansn on abortion. ‘The one thing politicians fear is losing their job,” Joyce said. “They’re very mindful of that. What I see before me here is about 1,500 people who can hand out how to vote cards.” Dr Joanna Howe, who organised the rally and invited Joyce, told the crowd the four Nationals members of the NSW upper house were the only people standing in the way of the bill being approved. It would still need lower house approval to become law. “We are so close to passing the first-ever pro-life bill through a house of parliament this country has ever seen,” Howe said. “The message to the Nats is: if the Nats don’t pass this bill, then One Nation is going to take your seats … If you don’t vote for this bill, Barnaby’s coming for you.” The bill, moved by the Libertarian upper house member, John Ruddick, is a ban only on sex-selective abortion. Howe told the crowd that bill would be just the start of the legislative campaign. “Business has changed,” she said. “Every year in this state, we will introduce a bill until we protect all the babies.” She told Guardian Australia she next planned to lobby for a ban on late-term abortions. Howe said Tuesday’s Sydney rally was her biggest pro-life rally yet and she planned to organise grassroots campaigns in every Nationals-held seat ahead of NSW’s state election in March 2027. “Because there will now be One Nation candidates in those seats, we know that we can unseat pro-abortion Labor people, pro-abortion Liberal people and pro-abortion Nationals,” she said. Speakers addressed Tuesday’s crowd from a truck with handpainted banners of two foetuses captioned “Emma and Ruth”, the names Howe attached to an image of what she thought were foetuses but were actually baby sugar gliders. A counter-protest of about 150 people assembled nearby in Martin Place, where a University of Sydney student, Lucy, originally from the US, warned eight states had introduced sex-selective abortion bans like that being considered in NSW before Roe v Wade was overturned in 2022. “They were able to get way with it in America and then they kept going bill by bill, chipping away at abortion rights, chipping away at freedom, until one day, we woke up and our bodies were apparently no longer ours to control,” Lucy said. The NSW bill is the latest in a series of attempts to wind back abortion access since it was decriminalised in all states and territories almost three years ago. The bill will be debated in NSW’s upper house on Wednesday and go to a vote in coming days, and, if passed, go to the lower house. No party has a majority in either house and Labor, Liberal and National MPs have been granted conscience votes on the issue. Alex Greenwich, the independent lower house MP, said the vote would be tight, made worse by the suspension of a Labor minister, Penny Sharpe. “Mark Latham and [Liberal] Damien Tudehope now control the upper house,” Greenwich said. “As such anything can happen.”

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EU accused of creating ICE-style immigration enforcement system

EU politicians have promised to increase deportations of undocumented migrants, under a new law that critics say mimics elements of the Trump administration’s brutal immigration crackdown. Finalising a key element of an overhauled EU asylum and migration system, politicians have agreed a regulation that will enable national authorities to raid people’s homes to enforce deportation orders. People facing a deportation order who are deemed to be uncooperative or a flight risk could be detained for up to two years, extendable to 30 months, compared with the 18-month detention period under existing law. Those who refuse to comply with a deportation order could have benefits or other allowances cut. The regulation will also enable the creation of offshore return hubs, centres outside the EU where undocumented people would be held for unspecified periods, pending return to their home country. Several EU countries are in talks with countries, mostly in Africa, to create return hubs, although no agreements have been announced. The text agreed in three-way talks on Monday between the main EU institutions – the European Council, the European parliament and European Commission – will enable the search of people’s homes “or other relevant premises” and seizure of personal belongings in order to ensure compliance with a deportation order. Detention will be permitted for unaccompanied minors and families with children, “as a measure of last resort” and “for the shortest appropriate period taking into account the best interests of the child”, said a press release from the European parliament. People deemed a security risk could face a lifetime ban on entering the EU, in comparison with the current 10-year maximum ban. The EU hopes the measures will increase deportations of people denied the right to asylum, those who have overstayed their visa or have no residency rights. Currently only about 20% of people with no right to stay in the EU are successfully returned to their home countries. EU officials hailed the law as an important step in the bloc’s migration management. “With the new rules, we have more control over who can come to the EU, who can stay and who needs to leave,” said Magnus Brunner, the European commissioner for migration, who drafted the original proposals. Critics accused the EU of copying practices of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which under the second Trump presidency has embarked on a harsh and violent crackdown of undocumented migrants. Mélissa Camara, a Green MEP, said the text “weakens procedural rights, extends lengths of detention and endorses ICE practices by allowing authorities to conduct home raids”. The agreement became possible after the centre-right European People’s party (EPP) voted with far-right groups in the European parliament in March to push through more stringent measures on returning undocumented people. Before the parliament shifted rightwards in 2024 European elections, it had traditionally acted as a brake on the tougher instincts of EU member states. Welcoming the deal, Regina Doherty, an EPP lawmaker from Ireland, said: “This agreement is not about people who have come to Europe legally, those who are working, studying or contributing to our communities, nor is it about people who have been granted international protection. It is about creating a common European system for dealing with cases where a person has gone through the legal process and has been found not to have the right to remain.” She said there was “too much misinformation” about migration, with complex issues reduced “to slogans, outrage and false claims”. Silvia Carta, an advocacy officer at the Brussels-based Platform for Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants, said the law would “expose hundreds of thousands of people to harm and violence – from locking people up in immigration detention for up to 30 months to tearing families apart and sending people to countries they don’t even know”. She added: “Across the Atlantic, we see the violence and fear created by ICE’s brutal immigration enforcement. Europe should be learning from the harms of that model, not building its own version of it.” The law on returns, which will be rubber stamped by the EU Council and parliament, caps a lengthy overhaul of asylum and migration procedures, launched in 2020 in an effort to avoid a repeat of the 2015 migration crisis, when 1.3 million people – many from war-torn Syria and Afghanistan – sought refuge in Europe.

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Nightclub promoter, 21, stabbed to death after brawl in Dublin’s tourism district

A brawl in the heart of Dublin’s tourism district led to a nightclub promoter being chased and stabbed to death. It happened at about 3am on Monday after a gig ended in the Grafton Street area of the city centre that is popular with tourists. Qayyum Balogun, 21, was chased and stabbed on nearby Clarendon Street after a clash between rival groups, police said. He was taken to St James’s hospital where he was pronounced dead. Sections of the shopping district remained closed on Monday as forensic teams examined the area. Balogun was reportedly from Nigeria and promoted music gigs in the city centre. Police believe the dispute started in a venue and spilled on to the street. The Irish Independent reported that a female bystander who was not connected to rival groups sustained stab wounds that were not life threatening. Irish police are reviewing CCTV footage and awaiting the results of a postmortem examination. They have appealed for witnesses. The justice minister, Jim O’Callaghan, offered condolences to Balogun’s family. Father John Grennan, the prior of St Teresa’s Carmelite church on Clarendon Street, voiced his shock at the death. “I want to offer our compassion and prayers for what happened here,” he told RTÉ. Rory Hogan, a Fianna Fáil councillor, said the violence was deeply disturbing. “Incidents like these have profound impacts not only on the victim’s family but also on the wider communities.” However, Hogan added that crime rates in Ireland’s capital had fallen and the city was safer than it used to be. “We need to be sure to separate the emotional reaction to an incident like this to the overall statistics,” he said. National murder rates fell by a quarter last year. Police are also investigating a separate incident in which a man in his 30s entered the River Liffey after being assaulted on Saturday night in the Islandbridge area of Dublin. He was pronounced dead on Sunday. Business owners in the Temple Bar area say lawlessness and anti-social behaviour increased during the Covid lockdowns but that increased policing in recent years had improved security.