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Middle East crisis live: Trump claims ships carrying oil are moving out of strait of Hormuz after US and Iran agree deal

The US and Iran have signed a deal to open the Strait of Hormuz in exchange for a lifting of a US naval blockade on Iran, senior administration officials have said, as part of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that will allow free movement through the crucial waterway for the next 60 days. The deal was signed electronically by US president Donald Trump, vice-president JD Vance, and Iranian parliament speaker Mohammed Ghalibaf. A formal signing ceremony is set for Geneva on Friday. “We have now signed a memorandum of understanding with Iran,” an official said during a briefing call with reporters. “All the details of the agreement have not been put out yet. They will be put out in the next 24-48 hours.” Technical discussions led by Vance from the US side will begin later this week. That includes the more thorny issues of the fate of Iran’s nuclear program, which Trump has declared must never be able to produce a nuclear weapon. It would also include provisions to lift sanctions and unfreeze billions of dollars in frozen assets but officials said that would be tied to “Iran meeting their commitments.” “We discussed the possibility of releasing frozen funds, sanctions relief, you know, a big $300 billion fund to rebuild their country, and all of these things are going to be tied to performance,” one of the officials said. They said that zero funds had been released as a result of signing the MOU. “We don’t pay for play, we don’t pay them to show up at a meeting,” the official said. The deal has been heavily scrutinised as an official copy of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) has not yet been released publicly. But administration officials claimed it contained provisions that would prevent Iran from achieving a nuclear weapon. “We have an Iran that is substantially weakened,” one adminsitration said praising the deal. “In order to rebuild [their nuclear program], they need a lot of money, and this deal really has two pathways.” The first option, the official said, is that Iran don’t get any money won’t have the resources to rebuild their industrial base or their nuclear weapons program. Option two is they are “invited into the world economy with all the prosperity that comes along with it, but only if they provide us the enforcement verification mechanism to ensure they’re not going to rebuild that nuclear weapon. So it’s a win either way for the United States.” The deal also included a ceasefire in Lebanon but did not provide for a withdrawal of Israeli troops from areas that they occupied. “The deal is a ceasefire, and it will not be a one-way ceasefire, meaning that if Iran is not able to control Hezbollah, and if they attack Israeli positions or Israeli towns, Israel will have the right to defend themselves and respond,” the officials said. The officials credited the US military operation in the region and the “degradation” of Iran’s economy with providing a breakthrough in the negotiations. They also credited Pakistani and Qatari mediation, while saying that they were unhappy with Oman’s earlier efforts to broker a deal. “We were very unhappy with the job the Omanis did,” an official said. “We felt they were very duplicitous and almost like employees of the Iranians in the way that they maneuvered. So we kind of threw them out of this process.”

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Wheels of justice turn (very) slowly: moped stolen in 1984 returned to owner

A moped stolen from a northern Italian town in 1984 has been traced and returned to its rightful owner after four decades. The case of the missing moped – a dark grey Garelli that these days might be classified as vintage – was finally cracked by police in Volpiano, a suburb of Turin, after they spotted a 64-year-old man travelling without a licence plate during a roadside check. “This guy was riding this scooter without a licence plate and so he was stopped,” said Americo Celani, commander of the Carabinieri in Volpiano. “This gave us an indication that something was wrong.” A distinguishing feature of the stolen Garelli was that it did not have a licence plate because registration was not legally required on 50cc mopeds in Italy until 1994, a decade after Antonio Smiglio’s vehicle was stolen from outside his home in Vado Ligure, a town in the Liguria region where his family lived. Celani said police were also able to match the moped by the details on its frame and using various past reports. “So through that we traced the fact that this moped had been stolen 42 years ago.” The man riding it was charged with possessing a stolen item although he was not the thief, Celani said. After being reunited with his Garelli, Smiglio, who now lives in Saluzzo, a town close to Cuneo in the Piedmont region, told La Repubblica that when the police called to tell him they had found it, he “immediately thought it was a joke”. The moped was a 16th birthday present to himself in August 1984, paid off in instalments with money saved from working in a bar and doing odd jobs. “It felt like I owned a Kawasaki,” he said, referring to the Japanese manufacturer of high-speed motorbikes. But in December that year, the moped, along with several others, was stolen from where he had locked it outside his home. At the time, because mopeds did not have licence plates, “it was a bit like stealing a bike”, he said. “How much I cried.” He was initially worried to collect the vehicle owing to fears it might be ready for the scrap heap. But it was in good condition, he said, and after a few repairs he intends to ride it again along the Ligurian coast.

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‘We want to be 100% sure’: war-weary Lebanese greet truce with caution

Hours after the US-Iran ceasefire was announced, residents of south Lebanon began to race back to their villages. One man filmed as he drove into the entrance of Harees, his arrival interrupted as the car in front of him suddenly veered off the road. An Israeli armoured vehicle was parked in the middle of the road less than 100 metres ahead; he scrambled to turn around. “It was packed with explosives. I guess they still want to blow things up,” said Abdullah al-Ali, a municipal official in Harees. Ali said that the entrance to the town had been blocked off after two other explosive-laden vehicles left by the Israelis were discovered in the area. The Lebanese army and civil defence told people not to return to their villages, warning that the war, which had so far claimed almost 3,800 lives in Lebanon, was not yet over. Their point was punctuated by the Israeli shelling that met people attempting to return to their homes south of the city of Nabatieh, still occupied by Israeli soldiers. It was the third ceasefire declared in Lebanon in less than two months; the fourth in two years. This time, war-weary Lebanese did not greet the apparent truce as they had before, with fingers held up in a V for victory sign, but with a question. Would it last? “How many times has this happened before? I have mixed feelings, there’s joy, I’m excited. But there’s a fear in the back of my head that won’t go away,” said Ghia Hajo, a 25-year-old woman who had been displaced from the town of Abbasieh, just outside the southern Lebanese city of Tyre, during the war. Hajo watched on her phone as videos came in from friends and social media of the long-awaited return to their villages in south Lebanon. She itched to see her own home, which, due to sheer luck, was still standing. But she did not want to return only to be displaced once again – or worse, be met with bombs. “We want to go and not have to leave our bags unpacked. Because we always had our clothes in our bag, ready to evacuate at any moment. We want to be 100% sure,” said Hajo, who was mulling a return once she was assured the situation was safe in Abbasieh. Lebanon’s officials welcomed the ceasefire, which came about on the heels of a greater US-Iran truce they had been informed of via news reports. How it would apply in Lebanon remained unclear. In the hours after the ceasefire was announced, Hezbollah’s attacks entirely stopped; Israeli strikes mostly stopped, with the exception of shelling and two drone strikes on residents who neared villages close to its troops. Israel’s defence minister, Israel Katz, said that Israeli troops would not withdraw from the “security zone” in south Lebanon, an area that was declared by its military to include at least 600 sq km (231 sq miles) along the border and that in recent weeks had crept up farther north to include the outskirts of Nabatieh. Israel further said that it reserved the right to respond to any Hezbollah attacks, while other officials suggested it retained freedom of movement in Lebanon. Under previous ceasefires in Lebanon, Israel continued to carry out airstrikes in the south of the country at will. Hezbollah said in a statement on Monday that it would not allow this scenario to repeat. Its warnings were backed by Tehran, which had shown that it would not hesitate to strike Israel if it felt red lines in Lebanon were crossed. The fundamental issues that drew Israel and Hezbollah into war remained unsolved. The current round of conflict started when Hezbollah launched rockets at Israel on 2 March in retaliation for the killing of the then Iranian supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Israel invaded, stating at first that its aim was to destroy Hezbollah, then just to disarm it. It achieved neither. As the day continued, the trickle of cars heading south on Lebanon’s highways grew to a flood. Residents wanted to return to check on their homes, even if only for one day. For some, the act of return was enough; the call to prayer echoed from a minaret and filled the town of al-Sultaniyeh, which for weeks had only heard the sound of explosions. For others, return confirmed their worst fears. One man found his family home flattened by a bomb in the town of Seddiqine. “My house is gone,” was all he managed to choke out. Why or when it had been destroyed, he did not know – his family’s prolonged displacement had robbed him of an explanation. The war, which lasted just over 100 days, left thousands of homes and shops destroyed, dozens of villages occupied and flattened, more than 1 million people displaced and thousands dead. The question of reconstruction, both material and spiritual, was not yet on the table as it was unclear if the war was really over. To those residents whose homes lay in villages still occupied, many of which were demolished by the Israelis, the war would not end until their land was free. “We miss our villages, but our dear villages became a sorry sight, bulldozed, destroyed systematically,” said Ahmad Abu Taan, a 56-year-old construction supply shop owner from Taybeh, a village destroyed by the Israelis. “But we will return, hopefully, under a deal, under a truce. And when we do, then I’ll tell you how I feel,” he said over the phone, the buzz of an Israeli drone overhead punctuating his speech.

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US-Iran peace deal hinges on shipping, sanctions relief and deferred nuclear talks

The basic structure of the US-Iran deal reached late on Sunday – a return to the prewar status quo – has been on offer from Iran for more than a month. So has the specific architecture: an immediate unwinding of the consequences of the US-Israeli war through the reopening of the strait of Hormuz and a deferral of the actual negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme, the ostensible cause of the war. The concept of a 60-day ceasefire to resolve these issues has also been a fixture for more than a month. But it has taken the mounting pressure on the US and Iranian economies for both sides to recognise politically that a return to all-out war was unlikely to resolve the impasse, and if so, compromises would have to be struck. Both sides had to relent on the complex issues holding up a deal: the future governance of the strait of Hormuz, the economic sweeteners – including sanctions relief – that needed to be offered to Iran, and the agenda for the deferred nuclear talks, including what preconditions would be set and how much ambiguity could be tolerated. Iranian negotiators will now travel to Doha to try to work out some of the shaky implementation aspects of the deal before a signing ceremony on Friday in Geneva – the city US negotiators left on 28 February, the day the war began, when a far superior nuclear offer to now was being offered by the Iranians. What the deal doesn’t say With differing texts of the agreement still circulating, it is easier to describe what is definitely missing. Top of the list is Iran’s “unconditional surrender”. Regime change has also disappeared as a goal. Instead, Donald Trump on Sunday lavished praise on Iran’s new leadership team. The agreement contains no restrictions on Iran’s ballistic missiles, something the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, insisted would be part of the deal as recently as 11 June. There is no commitment to release political prisoners amid the continued round-ups and executions. The human rights activist and Nobel peace prize laureate Narges Mohammadi is not a beneficiary of this memorandum. There is also no reining-in of Iran’s proxy forces. Support for Hamas, the Houthis, the Iraqi PMU (Popular Mobilisation Units) and Hezbollah will remain as a part, but no longer the centrepiece, of Iran’s security strategy. Indeed, Iran insisted that a ceasefire in Lebanon, protecting Hezbollah, was integral to the deal. Iran overlooked Netanyahu’s last-minute efforts to upend the deal by relaunching attacks on south Beirut because the deal was so close, and Netanyahu’s defiance was forcing Trump into further concessions. But the earliest test of the agreement will be what Netanyahu does next in Lebanon, and what Iran will expect Trump to do if Netanyahu, politically cornered as never before in his career, insists on his “sovereign right” to protect northern Israel by pursuing Hezbollah. No memorandum can quite capture the consequences of the US failing to keeping its ally in check. The complications over what happens next The deal is built around graduated steps, and verification by the other party before a next step is taken. Iran is determined to avoid a repeat of 2018 when it had made wide-ranging commitments on its nuclear programme under the Obama-era 2015 deal, but did not receive any economic relief before the US unilaterally pulled out. This time everything must be verified, including a ceasefire in Lebanon, before other steps can start. The opening and clearest unconditional step is that the US lifts its blockade of Iranian ports. In return, Iran has agreed to reopen the strait of Hormuz to commercial shipping from Friday without restriction, with the intention – subject to demining – of traffic reaching pre-war levels within 30 days. But here the interpretation starts. A reference to “the future administration of maritime services” by Iran and Oman was inserted into the text late on. Does this mean Iran and Oman, stewards of the south side of the strait, can claim after 60 days of free navigation for ships that they are entitled to “impose”, rather than offer, services for a fee to ships? Will Iran be able in any new way to impose route restrictions on shipping on environmental and safety grounds? Yvette Cooper, the UK foreign secretary, spoke to her opposite number in Oman within hours of the memorandum being signed, which shows how vital Muscat will be to the unresolved future stewardship of the waterway. In an interview over the weekend Mehdi Mohammadi, an adviser to Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, said: “The navy will do the same thing it is doing now. We are currently providing services in the strait of Hormuz: safety services, navigation services, and security services. It is clear that services are not free anywhere in the world and there is a fee for these services.” He emphasised: “Only Iran and Oman have the right to receive these fees and no other party can decide about it. This process is in place now and will remain in place in any future agreement.” The nuclear file, sanctions relief and the Iranian economy As to the parameters of the nuclear talks, Iran has in advance made no new concession in agreeing an agenda. The agreement repeats that Iran has no desire to make or acquire a nuclear weapon. Trump sets store by this statement, but it has been said for decades by Iranian leaders. The question is whether the commitment is verifiable. The US appears to abandon its requirement that all uranium stockpiles are exported to the US and no domestic enrichment can take place. The agreement suggests the talks can include the option of uranium enriched to 60% being down-blended to 3.67%, sufficient only for civilian purposes, inside Iran. It also holds out the possibility that Iran could be allowed to enrich only to that that level in future. In an interview with the New York Times yesterday, Trump hinted he might be willing to accept a 15-year moratorium on enrichment. If the US had adopted these positions previously, war probably could have been averted. The fate of these nuclear talks will depend, as they have for two decades, on the practical economic incentives Iran is given in terms of sanctions relief. Some in Iran – and here the negotiators may be on their weakest ground – are presenting the deal as the start of an economic bonanza. History suggests lifting the multilayered network of sanctions imposed by Congress, presidential executive orders, the EU and the UN will be hard since they are so intertwined. The US says the only immediate sanctions relief is for the 6o days of the ceasefire on Iran’s oil and petrochemical exports. Iran also insists it has found a way for half its assets frozen overseas – $12bn (£8.9bn) – to be returned without restrictions on how it can spend the cash. Thereafter, subject to unspecified progress other primary and secondary US sanctions will be lifted, as well as EU and UN sanctions. Finally, the US and “regional partners” will create a programme for the reconstruction and economic development of Iran with minimum funding of $300bn (£223bn). But this fund is not a compensation fund and does not appear obligatory. Iran has a 60-day holiday from war, but not from the economic malaise that has gripped it.

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Zelenskyy says Russia ‘deliberately’ targeted Unesco site, as 11 people confirmed dead – as it happened

… and on that note, it’s a wrap for today! US president Donald Trump has arrived in Évian-les-Bains in France for the G7 summit (16:38, 16:50), starting later tonight, likely to be dominated by talks about the Middle East and Ukraine (9:44, 10:20). The talks come after yet another night of Russian strikes on Ukraine, which killed at least 11, and damaged a Unesco-listed religious site (9:40, 11:05, 11:55). Condemning the attack, the EU’s foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said “the strike also exposed the absurdity of Russia’s claims to be the defender of Christianity” (15:59). If you have any tips, comments or suggestions, email me at jakub.krupa@theguardian.com. I am also on Bluesky at @jakubkrupa.bsky.social and on X at @jakubkrupa.

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Argentinian activist who spent 50 years looking for disappeared son dies

The human rights activist Lidia “Taty” Almeida – who spent more than half a century searching for her son after he was forcibly disappeared by Argentina’s military junta – has died aged 95, prompting a public outpouring of grief. Almeida, 95, was the president of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, made up of women who have marched around the square outside Argentina’s presidential palace every Thursday since 1977, demanding the return of children who were disappeared during the country’s 1976-1983 dictatorship. Almeida’s son Alejandro was kidnapped by anti-communist paramilitaries in June 1975, nine months before the coup in which a military junta seized power. For five decades, Almeida searched for the truth about his fate. Alejandro has never been found, and Almeida became a figure of moral authority and an emblem of the enduring fight for justice. She appeared in public to demand justice for the dictatorship’s atrocities, as well as campaigning on contemporary social justice issues, even in the final year of her life. Her family said she had died surrounded by loved ones late on Sunday at a hospital in Buenos Aires. The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo said she had continued her work until she fell ill in recent days. “Thank you for teaching us that to love is to resist, that the only fight we lose is the fight we give up, and that there is no force greater than that of love,” the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo Founding Line wrote in a tribute to Almeida on Sunday night. Almeida was born Lidia Stella Mercedes Miy Uranga on 28 June 1930 in Buenos Aires. She had three children with her husband, Jorge Almeida, and worked as a teacher before dedicating herself to raising her family. Her father was a cavalry officer, and when Alejandro was forcibly disappeared in 1975, her first instinct was to turn to military contacts for help. But as she learned the truth about the dictatorship’s atrocities and met other mothers who were searching for adult children who had been forcibly disappeared, her life transformed and she became an emblem of the fight against state terror. Alejandro was a medical student at the University of Buenos Aires and a member of the People’s Revolutionary Army, a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group. He was also a poet, and in 2008 Almeida published a collection of his poetry that she had found in one of his diaries after he was kidnapped. In 2024, Almeida became the president of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo Founding Line (the group split into two in the 1980s due to political differences). Major figures in Argentinian public life have paid tribute to her. The former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner described her as an “indefatigable fighter who honoured life”.

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Tallying the global cost of the US-Israel war against Iran

It would be hard to find a human on Earth unaffected by the US-Israel war against Iran. Several thousand have been killed. Millions more pay are paying each day in steeper food prices or at the petrol pump, and as inflation eats away at the value of their earnings. For many, the final bill has not yet come, but it will eventually. They will pay for the long-term damage caused by the biggest threat of all to the global economy: uncertainty. Uncertainty is hard to measure, but one way is to look at geopolitical risk, which stalls investment and employment. The US Federal Reserve economists Dario Caldara and Matteo Iacoviello have created an index that tracks reports of global tension. It shows the Iran war has been more destabilising than the Covid-19 pandemic, but on a par with either the invasion of Ukraine in 2022 or that of Iraq in 2003. So how does the world tally the cost of this war? Some costs are easier to calculate than others, such as bills for surface-to-air missiles that cost hundreds of thousands of dollars each. Others are harder to quantify, including the damage caused to Iranian and Lebanese hospitals and power networks. Much cannot be valued at all – the lives lost, including the 120 primary schoolchildren in Iran killed on the first day of the war. Then there are hypothetical costs. A senior UN aid official framed the conflict in terms of opportunity cost, noting that the $2bn (£1.5bn) a day spent on military operations could otherwise cover lifesaving aid for roughly 87 million people. And what about the beneficiaries of this war, the oil companies and the shareholders of arms manufacturers? Here are some ways the impact of the war has been assessed: Lives lost The vast majority of the killings have targeted Iranian and Lebanese people. In Iran, US and Israel bombings have killed more than 3,300 people and injured more than ten times that number, according to Iranian authorities. Twenty schools have been destroyed, and 240 health and medical facilities have been damaged. Water pipes have been blown up and cultural sites damaged, including five world heritage sites and 54 museums. Israel opened a second front of the war when it invaded its northern neighbour, Lebanon, where it is fighting against the Iran-allied militant group Hezbollah. That war within a war has now become the most deadly part of the broader conflict – Israeli attacks have killed more than 3,700 people, according to Lebanese authorities, including women, children and medics. The widespread Israeli bombing of civilian areas has displaced more than 1 million Lebanese people – roughly a fifth of the country’s population. More than 100 people have been killed in Iraq, where Iran-allied groups operate, and in Israel, about 50 people have been killed. Since the start of the Iran war on 28 February, at least 15 US military personnel have died, and American bases across the region have been significant damaged. Gulf countries, including the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman, faced Iranian drone and missile attacks, which have killed civilians and damaged hotels, airports, and critical oil and gas infrastructure. Israeli forces have not halted the killing of Palestinians during the conflict, including dozens in Gaza and the West Bank, adding to the more than 70,000 killed in Palestine since the Gaza war began in 2023. Stunted global economic growth For years, Israel had pushed the US to bomb Iran, but no administration in Washington agreed, seeing it as counterproductive and fearing the political, security and economic chaos that is now playing out. The conflict has not achieved regime change or ended Iran’s nuclear ambitions, but instead left governments and businesses scrambling in the fallout. A peace deal has been announced but the terms, or how it will be implemented, remain unclear. In its World Economic Outlook published in April, the International Monetary Fund said the global economy was already on edge after “higher trade barriers and elevated uncertainty last year”, alluding to Donald Trump’s tariff war. The IMF and the World Bank have marked down their forecasts for the global economy, showing how the Iran war has stalled growth. Economists at the investment bank Goldman Sachs estimate that US economic growth will be 0.5 percentage points lower as a result of the war. Even if the war ends swiftly, the US will take years to pay it off. Not even the White House denies that the war will be a massive cost, but ithas attempted to play down its probable price tag. One estimate in May came from a senior Pentagon official, who said the conflict had cost $29bn by then. Justin Wolfers, a professor of economics and public policy at the University of Michigan, wrote in the New York Times that when accounting for the full macroeconomic fallout, a typical US household would probably have to pay thousands – or even tens of thousands – of dollars for the war. Severe business shocks have started to emerge. The world’s largest carmaker, Toyota, has reported a £3bn hit, as prices of parts and materials soared and sales dropped. A doubling of jet fuel prices The International Energy Agency, the world’s energy watchdog set up in the 1970s as a response to an oil crisis, has been clear in its assessment of the impact of the conflict on fossil fuels. “The war in the Middle East is creating the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market,” it said. Responding to the US-Israeli bombing, Iran closed the strait of Hormuz, the waterway through which about 20% of the world’s oil and gas supply previously moved. Facing calls to reopen the waterway, Trump put pressure on Iran to end its blockade, but failed and later decided to impose his own blockade, leading to more fuel price hikes and threats of long-term inflation. Jet fuel prices have doubled, and thousands of flights have been cut. One US-based airline has already gone under. While the deal announced this week led oil prices to drop, they only reduced by a few US dollars. With oil prices hitting highs, the big energy companies’ profits have soared. Defence contractors are also profiting from the insecurity and rush to buy anti-missile technology. Shareholders, too, are celebrating that stock markets have shown resilience, in large part because of the AI boom, although there are concerns that traders are not properly considering the risk of long-term upheaval. There is hope, however, that in the long-term the crisis could reshape the global energy order, spotlighting a reliance on Middle East fossil fuels and accelerating a move towards renewables. A new crisis during a cost of living crisis The closure has created a bottleneck in which energy disruptions cascade through chemicals and fertiliser production into food prices, amplifying losses for the world’s poorest countries. There are already signs of the war’s burden on people and businesses worldwide. In Asia, the most populous continent, restaurants have closed owing to a lack of cooking gas and petrol stations are rationing fuel. In Thailand, some temples have stopped cremations. More than 800 ships and roughly 20,000 crew members remain stranded west of the narrow waterway. The consequent rise in the oil price has fuelled fears of damaging inflation. Last month, Turkey’s central bank raised its year-end inflation forecast to 26% from 16%. Meanwhile, exports of vital goods, such as fertilisers required for food production, have collapsed. The UN estimates that 32 million people could be plunged into poverty as a result of the war, largely through its impact on energy and fertiliser supplies.

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Son of Norway’s crown princess convicted of rape and sentenced to four years in prison

Marius Borg Høiby, the son of Norway’s crown princess, has been sentenced to four years in prison after being found guilty of several offences including two counts of rape. The verdict was handed down by the Oslo district court on Monday morning in a courthouse packed with journalists, nearly three months after Høiby’s closely watched six-week trial. The case has gripped Norway – both for Høiby’s close proximity to the royal family and the attention it has drawn to issues including consent, domestic violence, rape and the sharing of sexual photos and videos taken without consent. Judge Jon Sverdrup Efjestad convicted Høiby of assaulting his former girlfriend Nora Haukland, the only victim to have been publicly named. He was ordered to pay Haukland and three other women a total of 640,000 kroner (about £50,000) compensation, and was also sentenced to a two-year restraining order against one of his victims. Høiby faced 40 charges, including four counts of rape and assault, several breaches of restraining orders, as well as drug and driving offences. One charge of violating a restraining order was later overturned. He was found guilty of 34 offences – including two counts of rape, serious bodily harm, abuse in close relationships, physical assault, threats, six counts of sexually offensive behaviour and three counts of violating a restraining order. He was acquitted of two counts of rape and two counts of violating a restraining order. The 29-year-old had pleaded not guilty to the most serious accusations against him, including rape, while admitting to ‌some lesser offences. Within hours his lawyers said he would appeal against the verdict. The judgment stated: “Rape is a serious violation of integrity, and the punishment must reflect this.” The prosecutor Sturla Henriksbø said: “Evaluating evidence in rape cases is difficult, and that is also the reason why a third of all rape charges in Norway end in acquittal.” Høiby attended court by video link from Ila prison, which his defence said was for health reasons. He was not visible on the video link. Prosecutors had asked the court to sentence him to seven years and seven months in prison. Defence lawyers had argued that he should be acquitted of the rape allegations and receive no more than 18 months for the offences to which he had admitted. The rape charges involve four women and span a period between 2018 and 2024. The women are alleged in each case to have been sleeping or heavily incapacitated. Addressing one of the charges for which Høiby was found guilty – the rape of a woman in the basement of the crown prince and princess’s residence at Skaugum in December 2018 – Efjestad said of the video evidence: “She has closed her eyes, lies in the same position over time and shows no reactions to touch or stimulation. There are no sounds or movements that indicate she is awake. “This is also supported by the victim’s own reaction, when she was shown recordings during interrogation, where she stated that she had not been aware of what happened.” The trial came at a difficult time for the Norwegian royal family, which has been grappling with the serious illness of Høiby’s mother, Crown Princess Mette-Marit. She has also faced scrutiny over her past association with the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Last week, Oslo district court agreed to release Høiby, who has been in custody since shortly before his trial began on 3 February, so that he could spend time with his mother as she awaits a lung transplant. However, the request was overturned by the court of appeal. The trial has attracted significant attention in Norway and abroad. Before the hearing on Monday, journalists queued outside the court before it opened at 7.30am. The verdict was met with relief and disappointment from the victims. The lawyers John Christian Elden and Heidi Reisvang said the woman Høiby raped in Skaugum had been “unwillingly drawn into this case”, which was an “enormous burden”. They said the court had carried out a “thorough and well-reasoned assessment” of the incident, adding: “She now hopes this marks the final conclusion and that Høiby will receive the help he needs so that this does not happen to anyone else.” Regarding another victim, whom Høiby was acquitted of raping, Elden and Reisvang said: “Although the high burden of proof had not been found by the court to have been met, this does not mean that she was not believed.” The lawyers said they would review the judgment, adding that their client was “disappointed with the outcome, but the case may not yet be finally settled”. Elden and Reisvang said domestic abuse “is a serious societal issue that can be difficult to prove”, and that Høiby’s conviction for abuse in close relationships was a relief for Haukland. “The case has been an enormous burden on everyone involved, with extensive evidence presented, and she hopes that the judgment will bring the matter to a final close,” they added. A spokesperson for the Norwegian royal court said: “The matter has been considered by the courts, and we have no comment on the outcome.”