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‘One day I thought, that’s enough’: the people fighting back against pothole-riddled roads

Sitting in St Albans crown court, waiting for his case to be called, Derek Bennett’s anger momentarily gave way to a sense of disbelief. “I mean, there’s rape and murder cases going on,” he says. “I couldn’t believe I was there, with this stupid subject.” Initially, neither could the judge, whom Bennett says remarked that such issues were surely a matter for the magistrates. But Bennett, a 68-year-old construction consultant who has spent decades navigating building rules and regulations, had read the law carefully. Section 56 of the UK’s Highways Act 1980 clearly states the “highway authority or other person” responsible for a road in Britain is liable to maintain it, and should it fall into “disrepair”, a member of the public may apply for a crown court order to fix it. The other crimes would just have to wait. Bennett was here about potholes. In case you haven’t driven, walked, cycled, skated, scooted or taken a bus lately, Britain’s roads are in a dire state. When the transport secretary, Heidi Alexander, hit a pothole in Oxfordshire so deep that her car had to be towed recently, it struck a national chord – one that sounded something like kerthunk. (Alexander, gamely, joked that Artemis II might have seen a similar-sized crater on the moon.) The RAC attended 225 pothole-related callouts a day in February, three times as many as the same period last year. Since 2021, it says, pothole-related claims have risen by 90%. According to YouGov, the parlous state of British roads was the number one issue for voters ahead of the May local elections, a fact pounced upon by every political party. Pothole politics is by no means unique to the UK – after being elected mayor of New York, Zohran Mamdani launched a city-wide blitz, filling 100,000 in his first 100 days – but here, the roads have come to represent a deeper malaise. Like many people, Bennett has spent recent years watching the roads around his house in Berkhamsted deteriorate. “It’s been getting worse and worse,” he says. He wrote to Hertfordshire county council, but was ignored. Most people would have left it there. Bennett is not most people. “I’ve got an overdeveloped sense of justice,” he says, drily. “I must take some tablets.” More than 53,000 people brought claims against local authorities in 2024 for damage caused by potholes: burst tyres, dinged alloys, wrecked suspensions. Such claims, which councils spend millions defending, are typically decided by Section 58 of the Highways Act, which sets out who is liable for damages and when. But Bennett was not seeking damages; he just wanted the potholes fixed. “I’ve been muttering about them like everybody does. Then one day I thought: that’s enough.” He’s not the only one. Reports of “pothole vigilantes” are spreading. A few, such as the documentary maker Oobah Butler and the musician Rod Stewart, have filled defects using asphalt bought from DIY stores (well intended, but legally dicey and unlikely to last, so not recommended). Graffiti is common: one Manchester artist, known for highlighting potholes with obscene drawings, earned the nickname Wanksy. Under Section 58, a local authority must be aware of a road defect to be liable for damages – and few things raise awareness as quickly as a spray-painted penis. Others take a more polite approach: Hannah Clark of Staffordshire highlights potholes with colourful animal illustrations; Dave Fargher of Nottinghamshire uses toys to create tiny pothole dioramas; Tim Webb, of Orpington, prefers to fill them with rubber ducks. New sports have emerged: teenager Ben Thornbury of Malmesbury has pioneered both pothole bowling and pothole “fishing”. Perhaps the best known pothole vigilante is Harry Smith-Haggett, whose TikTok account Pretty Potholes chronicles his travels around the country filling them with flowering plants. A landscaper and decorator, he started making the videos in 2024, when he filled a hole in his own road in Horsham, West Sussex. “If you use concrete or tarmac, that is putting a permanent structure in, which is obviously illegal,” he says. “I thought, well, I’ll put plants in and see what happens. And, coincidence, it got filled the next working day.” Smith-Haggett’s videos of himself beautifying potholes have now been viewed millions of times. “We’ve done six today,” he says. Travelling the country filling potholes while following his beloved Crawley Town FC, he has seen more of Britain’s dilapidated road network than most. Asked where is the worst, his answer is immediate: “Nothing compares to Birmingham.” The account has made him a minor celebrity: traffic regularly pulls up to thank him. Locals invite him in for tea. “I get thousands of people saying, ‘Can you come here?’” (He says he can no longer reply to every request, due to volume.) Last year he appeared in a video with Nigel Farage, but otherwise says he wants to keep out of politics. He is, however, forthright about his view of local councils, which he says have repeatedly tried to warn him off: “The way councils treat us is pathetic.” Arguably the original pothole vigilante is Mark Morrell, AKA Mr Pothole, who for 12 years campaigned for road repairs, founded National Pothole Day and even gave evidence to parliament, before retiring last year to care for his disabled wife. Morell still runs several Facebook groups, advising 300,000 members on how to file claims and get potholes repaired. “I suppose I’m the elder statesman now,” Morrell says. He has wielded Section 56 notices himself, so when he saw Derek Bennett’s case, he was delighted. “Good luck to him.” When his day in court arrived, Bennett chose to represent himself. “This isn’t rocket science,” he shrugs. He drove through several potholes on the way to the hearing. “I bet the judge did, too,” he chuckles. “I had a distinct impression he was a fellow motorist.” In the end, the council didn’t even put up a fight. The judge issued a court order for the potholes to be repaired within 20 working days. Hertfordshire county council said it was “disappointed” by the ruling, and “there are much quicker and simpler ways of letting us know about potholes”. Bennett points out that if his letters had been answered, the case would not have gone to court. But his victory was just the initial skirmish in a broader offensive. If a Section 56 claim could force the council to fix some roads, why not others? Couldn’t the legal precedent be applied all over the country? “Being semi-retired,” he says, “does give me room for a hobby.” * * * What, exactly, is a pothole? Nobody can quite agree. Highways engineers deploy a rich and lyrical vocabulary to describe the many ways a road surface can fail: rutting, ravelling, bleeding, shoving, plucking, crazing. But potholes are complicated. “We would tend to call it a defect,” Ian Lancaster, director of the Asphalt Industry Alliance, puts it, diplomatically. What experts can agree on is how they form. Modern roads are subjected to a constant onslaught: the weight of traffic, but also braking, shear forces, temperature shifts, sunlight, subsidence, even tree roots. Over time, the asphalt – stone aggregate bound with bitumen – weakens and starts to come apart. Worse, water gets in. “During the winter, water freezes, expands, opens up the cracks, and away we go,” Lancaster says. On a busy road, in winter, a small defect can grow into a dangerous one in a matter of hours. (It’s the regular freezing and thawing that causes British roads to age faster than in countries where they stay frozen all winter.) The recent spike in potholes is partly a result of the UK experiencing wetter and colder winters – extreme events made more common by climate change. “The roads can be underwater for days or weeks,” Lancaster says. “They are not designed to be underwater.” Britain’s road traffic is also shifting dramatically. There are twice as many cars as in 1990 and, thanks to booming sales of SUVs and EVs, the average weight of a new car has also doubled, to nearly two tonnes. Though critics like to blame EVs for potholes, most experts agree they are only one of several factors (other countries have more EVs but better roads). Another is commercial vehicles: delivery vans, farm equipment, HGVs. A six-axle lorry can weigh up to 44 tonnes. “A lot of local roads,” Lancaster says, “were never designed for the amount of traffic they’re taking right now.” Quietly, the way we build roads has changed, too. For decades British roads were built using hot rolled asphalt (HRA), in which stone chips are rolled into a thick layer of hot bitumen. In the 1990s, following the lead of France and Germany, highways authorities moved towards “thin-course” surfaces, particularly stone mastic asphalt (SMA), which are thinner, less noisy and reduce skidding and surface spray. But British SMA mixes proved less durable than the older HRA roads. “Those new systems that were more open, or invite water into texture or voids in the material, made it more susceptible to failure,” says Mike Hansford, of the Road Surface Treatments Association. This might have been manageable if roads were regularly “dressed”, or treated to protect the surface. But that did not happen. Instead, shortly after the financial crisis, many councils all but abandoned preventive treatments altogether. * * * Kye Cooper has lost count of how many potholes he’s filled. “I don’t want to know,” he says. Cooper’s father was in highway maintenance, as was his grandfather. Today he and his sister run the family business, East Herts Surfacing, which repairs roads all over London and East Anglia. When I contacted highways maintenance firms asking to see how a pothole is fixed, the Coopers invited me along at once. It’s important to them to defend the work they do. “It’s annoying when you see other tarmac work, when you’ve done this for so long, and you go, ‘That’s going to last five minutes.’ The problem is, they’re all cutting corners.” We are in Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire, where the crew are repairing potholes for the council. I know I’m in the right place: the roads look like the nearby army barracks has misfired heavy ordnance. “These are not too bad,” Cooper shrugs. “Nazeing, Epping, Hoddesdon way, that’s really bad for potholes. I’m talking craters.” A screech splits the air. Cooper’s crew are cutting out the defects and scouring the holes with a mechanical sweeper, then filling them with tack coat, an adhesive, followed by hot asphalt, rolled into place before sealing. “It’s not for the faint-hearted,” Cooper says, above the din, citing early starts, night shifts, hot asphalt that can hit 140C. “You learn not to touch things.” We walk along the street, Cooper explaining pothole maintenance. Many defects, he says, start from below: “If the sub-base is correct, the top layer will be, too.” Junctions and car parks are particularly vulnerable: “Every time you turn, it’s just pulling [stones] out.” Cooper’s crew is busy, but business hasn’t been easy. The wars in Ukraine and Iran have pushed bitumen prices “through the roof”, he says. Then there are rising staffing and diesel costs. “People think there’s millions to be earned in this game. But the councils ain’t got no money. That’s the truth of the matter.” Ninety-seven per cent of Britain’s roads are controlled and funded by local authorities. (The rest, the “strategic network” of motorways and major A roads, is managed by National Highways in England, the Welsh government and Transport Scotland.) Between 2010 and 2020, local government budgets in Britain fell sharply. According to the Institute for Government, the Conservatives slashed grants to local authorities by 40% in real terms. Facing bankruptcy, many councils chose to move funding from discretionary areas, such as highways, into urgent ones, such as social care. The amount Britain spent on maintaining local roads collapsed – more sharply than in almost any other country in the OECD. Although budgets have started to recover, the effect has been stark. According to the National Audit Office, by 2023 the proportion of local roads receiving preventive maintenance each year dropped to just 2.4%. “I have no doubt that has played a huge role in why our roads are in such a poor condition,” Hansford says. Most local authorities now outsource their highways maintenance to large infrastructure firms. Oxfordshire, for example, where Alexander hit her lunar crater, has agreed an £840m, eight-year contract with M Group, the infrastructure giant that maintains 30,000 miles of British roads and has annual revenues of £2.5bn. M Group, in turn, is owned by the private equity giant CVC Capital Partners, which in 2025 reported profits of €873m (£760m). While there’s nothing inherently wrong with such deals, they have rarely resulted in better roads. In 2019, Birmingham council ended a 25-year PFI contract with Amey early after accusing the contractor of ignoring road defects to maximise profits. Last year, the BBC reported that Cambridgeshire council was unhappy with M Group, which it pays £51m a year, because of the “ridiculous” quality of its repairs. (M Group says it inspected the potholes and “only one needed further work, which was done at no additional cost to our client”.) In some areas, botched repairs have become as notorious as potholes. Drivers complain about “patch and run”, subcontractors using bagged cold-mix asphalt as a temporary fix until they can schedule resurfacing at a later date. “That cold-lay stuff, that ain’t really worth the bag it’s in,” Cooper says. “They’re using completely the wrong tarmac in an emergency repair.” Once cured asphalt gets a crack in it, it’s nearly impossible to keep water out. That’s a problem, because utility companies dig up Britain’s roads constantly. The rollout of fibre-optic broadband, in particular, has contributed to a sharp spike in streetworks. “They’re cutting into it, trenches across it, putting pipes under it,” Cooper laments. “It’s weakening the integrity of the road.” Recently, he saw a utilities subcontractor repairing a road nearby: “Within a couple of weeks it was all sinking. It hadn’t been compacted properly.” The government has attempted to crack down on shoddy repairs by introducing a new inspection regime. The Pothole Partnership, a lobbying group that includes the AA and British Cycling, wants it to go further, by introducing mandatory five-year warranties on pothole repairs. “You see it all the time: a spot of tarmac here, a spot of tarmac there,” says Edmund King, president of the AA. “Within six months it’s cracking up again.” A common complaint is that crews will repair one pothole, while ignoring others around it. This is because austerity didn’t just slash road budgets; it changed the meaning of a pothole. In 2016 the UK Road Liaison Group, which advises on road standards, updated its codes of practice, citing an increased need for “affordability”. Where once it had advised authorities to adopt hard standards – say, fixing every pothole that reached 40mm deep – it now endorsed a “risk-based approach”. A pothole on a residential street, for example, might not need to be repaired as quickly as one on a major road. (Not only did this approach save costs, it also made it easier for councils to reject damage claims.) Which brings us to why nobody can agree what a pothole is: the definition is decided by the very local authorities whose job it is to fix them. “There are 78 different definitions,” King says. A pothole in Gloucestershire must be 4cm deep to need repairing; in Hounslow, as much as 7.5cm. In Dorset, a defect must be 150mm wide; in Norfolk, twice that. “A pothole in Manchester might not be a pothole in Preston,” King says. “It’s crazy.” If it sounds ridiculous, the consequences can be life-changing. According to freedom of information requests filed by the Telegraph, 393 people were killed or injured in accidents involving road defects in 2024, 45% up on 2020. In the past few months, these include 87-year-old Beryl Barrett from Nottinghamshire, who died on Christmas Day after tripping on an unrepaired pothole, and Andrew Freakley, a 43-year-old father killed in Staffordshire when his motorcycle hit a pothole that had gone unrepaired for four months. For cyclists and motorcyclists, a pothole can mean a split-second choice between swerving into traffic or risk coming off. In 2021, cyclist Jennifer Dyer, from East Sussex, hit a defect and was thrown into the path of a van. A coroner found the cause of her death was a pothole 58mm deep – shallow enough for East Sussex to categorise it as “low risk”, so not worthy of urgent repair, by a single millimetre. * * * “Pothole here … ” Thud. “Pothole there … ” Clunk. “There’s a real tyre-ripper!” Derek Bennett is driving me around Berkhamsted in his Polestar – “My seismograph,” he jokes, as the suspension shudders. Red-cheeked, in a flowery shirt and jeans, Bennett is enjoying himself. Since the crown court verdict, he has filed more than two dozen new Section 56 claims, not just in Hertfordshire, but against Cambridgeshire, Buckinghamshire and Central Bedfordshire councils, too. This time he’s also fighting over deformities and missing road markings, in “test cases” for the legal meaning of disrepair. “If we can get these roads repaired, I have a benchmark.” At home, in his meticulously kept office, he shows me neat folders of photographic evidence, his calendar tracking court deadlines, and legal precedent going back to the 19th century. His wife, Lizzie, shrugs. “He is a tenacious man.” Just reporting potholes can be a frustrating process. Many councils allow the public to do so using FixMyStreet, FillThatHole or an app called Stan, but Bennett says these are not enough. “Very laudable, but the council has no obligation whatsoever to do anything about it,” he says. To demonstrate, he pulls up FixMyStreet and shows me one pothole that was reported weeks ago. The council has responded saying the defect is scheduled for repair, but not given a deadline. Residents of Wrexham county, in Wales, claim their pothole reports often go ignored for months. The reporting issue reveals another remarkable fact: not only does the government not know what a pothole is, it also does not know exactly how many there are, or where. Although local authorities must report on road conditions for major roads, they do not have to do so for unclassified roads, which make up 62% of the network. It’s one reason the Department for Transport claims the condition of British roads has remained stable in recent years, contrary to the experience of everyone who has driven on them. In 2025, the National Audit Office found the DfT faced “significant gaps” in its knowledge of road conditions and, even more damningly, that although successive governments had introduced 12 different funds for pothole repairs, it had little idea of how that money was actually being spent. It would be very possible, using new technology, to map every pothole in Britain – and even catch defects before they form. In 2024, the Road Surface Treatments Association and “roadscape intelligence” company Gaist used purpose-built inspection vehicles on British roads and found twice as many are in poor condition as recorded in government figures. Gaist founder Steve Birdsall, a former army surveyor, developed the technology based on his work surveying railways after the Hatfield and Potters Bar disasters. Part of the problem, he says, is the way the government historically measured road conditions was designed for motorways, not local roads. “Essentially, for nearly 20 years we’ve been measuring the roads the wrong way.” * * * That is slowly changing. Gaist now works with several local councils, and recently conducted a scan of every road in Northern Ireland. “We have about two thousand times more imagery than Netflix,” he says. When highways engineers tell you potholes are a big problem, they mean it literally: there are 247,200 miles of road in Britain, enough to wrap around the globe nearly 10 times over. “If you take Lancashire, one of our clients, they have a network length just short of 8,000km,” Birdsall says. “End to end, that’s from here to Tibet.” Technology can help, but councils have been slow to adopt innovations, due to cost and to fears over legal claims. One way an authority can avoid paying damages is by showing they were unaware of a defect, despite regularly inspecting their roads – which would seem to incentivise not looking too closely. “The number of times I’ve been at councils, and they’ve said, ‘But if we’ve got a picture and know where they are, we’ve got to fix them – and that gives us an obligation we can’t deal with,’” Birdsall says. “There are definitely councils turning a blind eye to the condition of their network because they’re afraid of the consequences.” That isn’t to say there isn’t innovation going on. A number of councils have invested in specialised machinery such as the JCB Pothole Pro and the Dragon Patcher, a machine that sprays hot asphalt and can supposedly repair defects five times faster than traditional crews. In March, the Labour government announced a new five-year investment plan for British roads, which includes £7.3bn over four years for local road maintenance. If that sounds like a lot, the Asphalt Industry Alliance currently estimates that fixing the backlog of road repairs in Britain will cost £18.62bn. Campaigners have pushed for the government to adopt national definitions for potholes, or increased road taxes on heavier cars, such as SUVs and EVs, to raise revenue for road maintenance. (The Netherlands, France and Switzerland, which rank among the top European countries for road quality, all now factor vehicle weight into their road taxes, discouraging SUV sales.) “You could put another billion pounds in and frankly it won’t make a difference,” Edmund King says. “I think they’ve radically got to change the model.” Under the new funding rules, local authorities will have to report how their money is spent, including the number of potholes fixed every year. Many experts say that misses the point, like boasting about how regularly you’ve dressed an oozing wound. “Reporting the amount of potholes repaired is not a sign of success, it’s a sign of neglect,” Morrell says. Over his 12 years in campaigning, he has lost faith in politicians’ promises. He recalls a conversation with a Conservative minister. “He said, ‘It’s managed decline.’ I said, ‘A managed decline eventually becomes a complete failure.’” For Bennett, the political arguments are merely a distraction from his mission. Authorities already have a statutory duty to repair the roads. “This is a cold, clinical, legal issue,” he says. He has launched an Instagram account, @repairmyroad, dedicated to advising others on how to file Section 56 claims. “If 0.1% of the population do this, we would have German standard roads within six months.” Should more courts rule in his favour, the cost could be enormous. But he says that’s not his problem. He points to legal precedent, Wilkinson v City of York Council, which ruled “lack of funds” is not an acceptable reason for authorities to fail to maintain roads to a safe standard. We pay road taxes, he explains, and councils take the public to court for not paying parking fines all the time. Why shouldn’t we do the same in return? We pull over by a letter box and he jumps out to send another claim. “I can’t become the highways inspector,” he says. “But I can become a thorn in their side.” We turn up London Road, one of the subjects of his court victory. Hertfordshire council has put up signs notifying that resurfacing will soon begin. But any sense of triumph has given way to grim reality. Bennett cites an asphalt industry report which found the average British road is now typically resurfaced once in 97 years. “This is a once in a longlifetime opportunity,” he says, as the rutted and ravelling asphalt crunches beneath us. “My children, possibly my grandchildren, might never see this road resurfaced again.”

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Germany’s embattled nightlife scene welcomes plan to reclassify clubs

A move by the German government to reclassify nightclubs to distinguish them from amusement and adult entertainment facilities could give a much-needed boost to the country’s struggling nightlife, industry advocates say. Under a fundamental change to building regulations approved by Friedrich Merz’s cabinet last week, nightclubs will be formally recognised as providing cultural and artistic value, making it more difficult for developers to evict venue operators in favour of new construction. The law still requires approval from the Bundestag and the upper house, the Bundesrat, but cross-party support makes its passage likely. Clubs are classified alongside brothels, strip bars and betting shops – though often face stricter scrutiny due to noise regulations. The new rules will allow clubs to operate in certain residential areas. Marc Wohlrabe, a night-time industry lobbyist for 30 years, called the change a “historic moment” for German club culture. “The existing entertainment venue regulations date back to the last century when legislature and the authorities decided to lump together as shady everything that happened in the evenings, from red-light districts, to strip bars, game halls, and music clubs, considering this incompatible with residential areas and families,” said Wohlrabe, a board member of the federal association of music venues in Germany, which has been advocating for change for more than a decade. “We’ve long maintained that curated music clubs have absolutely nothing to do with red-light district table dance bars. The club owners we represent operate more like a theatre – curating artists … nurture emerging talent, and deserve instead to be designated as cultural centres alongside opera, theatre, and high culture,” he added. It is hoped the changes may help to slow down the Clubsterben (death of clubs) phenomenon, which has grown across Germany in recent years and been particularly acute in Berlin, where a large number of alternative spaces sprang up on wasteland and abandoned industrial sites after the fall of communism. Rising real estate costs, post-pandemic social shifts, and noise disputes have led to the threat of closure of many clubs in recent years. Legendary venues such as SchwuZ, Watergate and Mensch Meier are the most prominent recent shutdowns. The Clubcommission, an association representing clubs, festivals and cultural events which lobbies for the protection of nightlife, estimates that nearly half of Berlin’s clubs are considering closing. Wolfram Weimer, the federal culture minister whose support for the change has come as a surprise to some, owing to his reputation for run-ins with representatives of non-mainstream culture, said he believed it was only right to distinguish music clubs from pure entertainment venues. “This is an important step toward protecting and expanding the live music scene in Germany and sends a strong signal to the cultural and creative industries,” he said. This week’s decision followed a 2021 “political declaration of intent” by the then government to classify clubs as “establishments for cultural purposes”, which was celebrated at the time but had no legal basis. Under the new legislation, clubs will be generally allowed in mixed-use areas and exceptionally in special residential areas, in an acknowledgment of their role in attracting international audiences and supporting the economy, including drawing a younger workforce to Germany. Jakob Turtur, who runs the popular collaborative cultural space and nightclub collective Jonny Knüppel, said he welcomed the changes to the building code, but feared they had come too late for his club as well as the city’s embattled club culture more generally, which he said needed far more widespread help. Turtur is searching for a new, permanent location after being pushed out of premises on a former industrial wasteland by an international sports conglomerate. Jonny Knüppel is biding its time on a disused railway site, but Turtur said he was sceptical about finding a suitable new position. “This could have come a lot sooner,” he said. “It would not only have saved us a tremendous amount of work, money and effort, but above all, it would have given us the feeling that Berlin still has a thirst for grassroots socio-culture and cultural diversity – the kind of culture that made Berlin so exciting after the fall of the wall. “Instead we’ve often been made to feel like criminals.” He said he regretted the fact that the new legislation stopped short of putting music clubs on a legal footing with theatres, operas and museums. “A cultural classification like that would have helped provide urban planners with more tools to argue that clubs are essential for a vibrant and diverse city, and more important than profit-driven developments, like say, an office complex, which nobody needs these days anyway”.

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Ukraine war briefing: Kyiv denies its drone ‘deliberately’ hit Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant

Russia’s state nuclear energy company Rosatom said on Saturday a Ukrainian drone had struck the Russian-controlled Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant, Europe’s largest, but had not caused damage to key equipment. Rosatom’s head Alexei Likhachev called the incident “deliberate” and said it left a hole in the wall of a turbine hall. “This afternoon, a Ukrainian kamikaze combat drone struck the turbine hall building of Power Unit No. 6, resulting in a subsequent detonation,” Likhachev said in a statement. The Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant was captured by Russia in March 2022 and remains close to the frontline in the south-eastern Ukrainian Zaporizhzhia region. Kyiv military have denied Russian claims as “yet another propaganda ploy”, saying its troops did not strike power unit No. 6 at the plant. “Ukrainian servicemen act strictly within the international humanitarian law and are fully aware of the consequences of any actions targeting nuclear facilities,” the military said in a statement. “At the relevant section of the frontline, there was no active fighting during the incident, and no weapons were used.” The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on Saturday said it has been informed by the Zaporizhzhia plant that a drone had struck a turbine building at the site. IAEA chief Rafael Grossi expressed serious concern about the reported incident. “Attacking nuclear sites is like playing with fire,” he said. The IAEA’s team has requested access to examine the affected turbine building first-hand, the agency said in an X post. Ukrainian drone strikes caused fires at more Russian oil facilities overnight into Saturday, Russian officials said, in what appeared to be the latest attack on Moscow’s oil industry. Authorities in Russia’s Rostov region said falling drone debris sparked a fire that damaged an oil depot and tanker in the port of Taganrog, while officials in the neighbouring Krasnodar region reported a fire breaking out at an oil depot in Armavir for the same reason. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on X noted the Krasnodar attack and said: “We are rightfully bringing the war back to where it came from.” Ukrainian professional tennis player Oleksandra Oliynykova, an outspoken critic of Russia’s war against Ukraine, on Saturday criticised Russian tennis players at the French Open about their stance on the war, after her third-round exit at the French Open. Oliynykova lost in straight sets to Russia’s Diana Shnaider. The Ukrainian said players from Russia were allowed to participate in international tournaments even though they openly took part in events sponsored by Russian companies linked to the war effort or even after what she said was promoting the positions of Russia in relation to the war on social media.

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Paris police arrest more than 130 as PSG fans celebrate Champions League win over Arsenal

Paris police deployed thousands of officers to control crowds at some of the city’s hotspots, using teargas and arresting more than 130 people, after Paris Saint-Germain’s win over Arsenal in Saturday’s Champions League final. Footage aired on the news channel BFM showed scenes of tensions and brief skirmishes around PSG’s Parc de Princes stadium in western Paris, where more than 40,000 people watched the club win its second consecutive title on penalties at the Puskas Arena in Budapest on giant screens. By 11pm (9pm BST), police had made more than 130 arrests, Paris police said. A police spokesperson told Reuters that six vehicles and two storefronts had been damaged. Some PSG fans aimed fireworks at police officers who responded with teargas during the celebrations, according to reports in France, while some were seen wearing T-shirts emblazoned with “FU*K ARSENAL 2026” as they stood next to burning Lime Bikes on the city’s streets. Smoke was seen rising from several areas during the clashes. Police were seen sprinting after groups of fans with riot gear and stamping out flares discarded on the road. The interior minister, Laurent Nuñez, said there was a “very robust, very solid system in place” to curb violence. A police spokesperson said: “Our responsibility is to guarantee everyone a festive celebration that is calm and fully secure.” France has deployed 22,000 police to uphold order in the capital. Last year, two people died and close to 200 were injured after PSG won the Champions League for the first time by beating Inter Milan. The Champs-Élysées boulevard, which authorities had partly cordoned off, was filling with mostly peaceful PSG fans, TV footage showed. Police estimated the crowd size at 20,000. Some supporters let off fireworks and lit flares.

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‘Bigger and better than ever’: how Durham Pride beat Reform’s funding axe with help from the miners

As the annual Pride parade weaved its way through Durham, the rainbow flags, trans rights placards and sequined cowboy hats filled the medieval city’s cobbled streets with a huge splash of colour. But this year, the rainbow flags were almost matched in number by trade union banners, as miners, postal workers, and train drivers swelled the parade’s ranks in solidarity, making it the biggest in Durham Pride’s history. When Reform UK won control of Durham county council last year, one of the party’s first moves in power was to take down the rainbow flag that flew over its headquarters. Soon after, it announced it was axing funding for the city’s Pride event. “Durham Pride won’t be getting a single penny from this council next year,” the deputy leader, Darren Grimes, said last summer. “Taxpayers shouldn’t be bankrolling it.” But in a testament to an enduring relationship forged during the miners’ strikes of the 1980s, this year’s event has returned bigger than ever, thanks to funding from trade unions. Stephen Guy, the chair of the Durham Miners’ Association (DMA), said that when it became apparent Durham Pride was under threat, he took it upon himself to “encourage the trade union movement to step up and do the right thing, and stand shoulder to shoulder with the LGBT+ community”. That community “showed their heroism” during the miners’ strikes, he said. “They not only raised funds for us, but came to our communities, uplifted our spirits when they were down, and showed their solidarity.” He added: “That relationship’s prevailed ever since, [and so] the Durham Miners’ Association have decided to make this a priority in County Durham.” Mel Metcalf, who founded Durham Pride in 2014, said that while the event had lost about £2,500 in council funding, Reform’s move had brought in “about £25,000 from the unions and people who are supporting us more because of that decision”. He said the support had been “absolutely amazing”, adding: “I guess it’s a big thanks to Reform that our headliner is Claire Richards [from Steps] this year.” Metcalf continued: “I can’t stress how much people like CISWO [the Coal Industry Social Welfare Organisation], the Durham Miners’ Association, the TUC and the trades unions have [come] together and said: ‘Right, that money’s gone, but let’s find it.’ Not only did they find it, they’ve found more.” One of the single biggest donations came from Equity, the performing arts union. Its president, Lynda Rooke, said: “We are sending a message to Reform and any other group that is planning on attacking the cultural sector, which is: we see you, we will fight you, and we will succeed.” . The trade union presence at the event was bigger than it had ever seen before. The National Union of Mineworkers, Aslef, Unite, the CWU, and NASUWT the Teachers’ Union were among those who marched alongside the community with banners proudly raised. And in July, the LGBTQ+ community will in turn show its solidarity at the 140th Durham Miners’ Gala. “It was really important for us as a trade union movement to step in and make sure that Pride went ahead, and could be bigger and better than ever,” said Dave Pike, the regional secretary for TUC North East, Yorkshire & Humber. “I’m really proud that we managed to raise more money than Reform ever took away. I think it’s a really great example of solidarity in action. “This is normal for us as a trade union movement, but I think is especially important right now, given what Reform are peddling politically, and the way that they’re attacking LGBT people with their actions.” Mary Kelly Foy, the Labour MP for the City of Durham, donned a rainbow feather halo and angel wings to join the parade. “I think this is very, very special today,” she said. “We’re just showing that we’re here stronger than ever and we’re not going away.” “The trade union and Labour movement have been fantastic, we knew they would step up,” she added, dismissing Reform councillors as “silly, silly people in County Hall who just want divisive politics”. “We believe in rights and dignity and respect for everybody no matter who you are,” she said. “So I had no doubt that the trade union movement would step in and fund this.” Louise Brown from Gateshead joined the march wearing a rainbow wig, and carrying a sign saying: “Pride 1 Reform 0.” “When I heard Reform had said they’re not going to give a penny, as a lot of people here I thought well I’m definitely going to come,” she said. “You can’t just cut money for pride, I’m going to come and show solidarity.” “I think it’s disgraceful,” another marcher, Lisa V Hesling, said, adding: “I think an event like this that brings everybody together is exactly what we need, and a Reform council is not what we need.” “I’m from London originally so coming up here and learning the history, because I was very young with the miners’ strikes, so learning about how the gay community helped the miners, it’s brilliant.” The relationship between LGBTQ+ people and mining communities was immortalised in the film Pride, which showcased the work of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners (LGSM), which offered fundraising and practical support to the National Union of Mineworkers during the year-long strike in 1984 and 1985. Mike Jackson, a founder member of LGSM who was played by This is England’s Joe Gilgun in the 2014 film, said local Pride events such as Durham’s were even more important than huge marches in bigger cities. “People like me left home because you couldn’t be gay really in a little isolated town up north,” he said. “Now people are actually having Prides in little isolated towns up north, and that makes all the difference. “It’s beyond our wildest dreams that we would ever find an organisation like the Durham Miners’ Association absolutely and unconditionally standing up in support of LGBT rights in the face of a council that’s basically turning its back on the LGBT community. “That’s wonderful. That’s real good grassroots stuff, and it’s a reflection of that unity that was struck between the large section of the LGBT community and the mining communities.” A Reform spokesperson said: “Durham county council took the decision to withdraw taxpayer funding because residents expect their money to be spent on core local services. “If trade unions and private supporters now wish to fund the event themselves, that is a matter for them. This demonstrates that the event can go ahead without relying on council tax payers to foot the bill.”

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‘I want my life back’: drugs shortages lay bare economic impact of diamond crash in Botswana

In late 2023, Boitumelo Mosege fell sick. Her neck swelled up, her whole body itched and she fainted frequently. She was diagnosed with hyperthyroidism and had to give up her work as a farmer on the outskirts of Molepolole, a town about 30 miles north-west of Botswana’s capital, Gaborone. In Botswana, public healthcare is supposed to be universal and free. However, Mosege said she had only sporadically received medication since becoming ill. The 53-year-old relies on her four children’s occasional piecework (where a worker is paid a fixed rate per task or unit produced), and her mother’s 1,400 pula (£77) monthly pension, to afford 2,000 pula-worth of medication every month. In early May, she said it was three months since she had last bought medicine. “I felt like I had lost my life right there,” Mosege said, recounting when she was told she had to buy her medication herself. “I felt suicidal.” Nearby, Kelly Jansen cares full time for her 83-year-old father, Gerhardus Jansen, who uses a wheelchair. They spend a third of his pension on medication and supplies including a blood pressure monitor and compression stockings. Jansen, 39, is searching for someone to donate an electric wheelchair, which would give her more freedom. “I want my life back,” she said. Last year, shortages of essential medicines and medical supplies led the president, Duma Boko, to declare a public health emergency, 10 months after he defeated the party that had ruled Botswana since independence from Britain in 1966. Health procurement had long been dysfunctional. But a multi-year economic downturn caused by a collapse in demand for diamonds, which are 80% of Botswana’s exports, tipped it over the edge, Boko wrote in an opinion piece for the Guardian in February. Meanwhile, the economic malaise has pushed up unemployment in what has long been one of the most stable and wealthiest countries in Africa. Boko blamed the Central Medical Stores (CMS), the state health procurement agency, for raising drug prices. Thabo Lucas Seleke, a University of Botswana health policy lecturer, said the agency’s problems had been known since at least 2010, when a government report said it needed wide-scale reforms. “It is a breeding ground for corruption,” Seleke said. “It has not improved, it is getting worse.” Botswana’s health ministry did not provide a comment, after a spokesperson requested written questions. At independence, Botswana was one of the world’s poorest countries. The fortunes of the landlocked, semi-arid state were transformed a year later, when De Beers geologists found diamonds. For the next few decades, it was one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. This wealth enabled Botswana to provide free primary and secondary education and become a world leader in tackling HIV/Aids. Its 2024 GDP per capita of $7,695 (£5,697) was the fourth highest in Africa, according to the World Bank. However, other healthcare outcomes haven’t kept pace with economic growth. Maternal deaths are higher than in similarly wealthy countries, according to the World Health Organization. Meanwhile, the crash in natural diamond prices – which have fallen 60% in four years and show no signs of recovery as consumers buy cheaper lab-grown stones – have dented Botswana’s relative prosperity. The IMF estimated that Botswana’s economy shrank 3% in 2024 and 1% last year. The rise in fuel prices caused by the US war with Iran will hit Botswana hard, as it is an oil importer, said Marisa Lourenço, an independent political risk consultant. “It doesn’t have much other buffer,” she said. “If we look at how much the economy contracted during Covid, it never really recovered from that.” Unemployment rose to 21% among its population of 2.5 million in the year to 31 March 2025, according to the most recent official data. Almost 29% of 15- to 35-year-olds were jobless. Oratile Olorato Kgatle’s eyes lit up as she spoke about wanting to work in public relations. But the 26-year-old, who lives with her aunt, has not had a single job interview in 18 months of applying. “I could feel that light just dimming with each day, until January when I went to [a psychiatric hospital] to seek help,” said Kgatle, who is limited to office work by Erb’s palsy, a condition that affects her strength and mobility. Botswana’s ailing economy has also affected middle-class families. Phenyo Tanka said her family stopped eating out and fired their domestic worker, after her husband was made redundant from his job as a mining engineer in December. Tanka, a 39-year-old mother of four, is also an example of Botswana’s failure to diversify its economy away from diamonds. She graduated with a degree in agriculture in 2011, but has never been able to find a job. Tanka hasn’t given up, though. She now sells homemade cakes and wants to set up a toilet paper factory. “I have two girls and I want them to know that they can also be independent, as ladies,” she said.

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Why $1bn in Balkans energy contracts are going to an obscure company connected to Donald Trump

On a graffitied Sarajevo backstreet, a path leads past an overgrown patch of garden to a white door. Beyond is the registered office of a company that is on the brink of winning contracts worth more than $1bn. AAFS Infrastructure and Energy is close to securing a concession to build and operate a pipeline across the Balkans to allow fossil gas shipped from the US to replace supplies that come from Russia. “This could be the most important infrastructure project ever in Bosnia and Herzegovina,” says one of the country’s top officials, who, like others, asks to remain anonymous to discuss sensitive negotiations. The company has no record of even attempting anything close to this scale. What it does have is personal connections to Donald Trump. One of AAFS’s representatives is a Washington lawyer who has acted for the Trumps in political cases. The other is the brother of the president’s former national security adviser. Both were part of a campaign that is close to Trump’s heart: the effort to overturn his defeat in the 2020 presidential election. A Guardian investigation, based on interviews with current and former Bosnian and US officials, leaked documents and corporate paperwork, has examined the obscure company that has been thrust into the global struggle for energy supremacy. It offers a glimpse of how international relations are changing under a presidency that blurs the line between government policy and the enrichment of the ruling family and those around it. “There is a logic, in our current world, of having administration-connected people involved in big economic projects or investments,” says a former senior US official in the region. “It is unsavoury but so much of my country’s politics is unsavoury these days.” In the former Yugoslavia, the stakes are higher than just who might get rich. US intervention could undermine the peace deal it brokered in 1995 to end a war that killed 100,000, many of them Muslim Bosniak civilians massacred by Serb paramilitaries. A generation on, Bosnia’s ethnic leaders are still manoeuvring for advantage. US officials have left Bosnia’s leaders in no doubt about what the Trump administration wants: the go-ahead for AAFS’s pipeline. AAFS’s Maga connections When the Guardian knocks at AAFS’s Sarajevo address, a woman calls down from an upstairs window that its local representative will be back soon. Amer Bekan arrives a few minutes later. A large middle-aged man, he says AAFS’s office will be moving to a big building with 100 employees. Bekan’s online CV calls him an “investor and entrepreneur with extensive experience”. He has tried politics as well. After coming last with 116 votes in a 2016 run for mayor in central Sarajevo, another campaign in 2020 led to him being accused of abusing the elections for personal gain, an allegation he denied. Bekan registered a Bosnian company called AAFS in 2021. It was only after he brought in his American partners last year that it hit the big time. Neither he nor they will say how they were introduced. Bekan’s AAFS is now owned by a US company of the same name that was registered in November. Located in a tourist district by the Potomac River, the address AAFS gives for its Washington office sits between a Lebanese restaurant and an Irish pub. A sign identifies it as the premises of Binnall Law Group. Jesse Binnall is a leading lawyer fighting the Maga cause. He was an aide to the 2016 campaign that carried Trump to the White House. In 2020, he was a leading voice undermining Joe Biden’s victory. He declared: “Donald Trump won … after you account for the fraud and irregularities that occurred.” He defended Trump and his oldest son, Donald Trump Jr, against a lawsuit that sought to hold them responsible when rioters tried to overturn the result by storming the Capitol building. Since Trump’s return to power last year, Binnall has secured a $1.25m settlement from the justice department for Michael Flynn, who was briefly national security adviser in the president’s first term. Despite having admitted lying to the FBI about covert contacts with Russia, Flynn alleged wrongful prosecution. Binnall also came to know Flynn’s brother Joe, a healthcare entrepreneur. They were fellow campaigners in the effort to discredit Biden’s victory. Flynn served as president of one of the movement’s best-funded vehicles, the America Project. And he was an adviser to Trump’s 2020 and 2024 presidential campaigns. The White House referred questions to the state department, which said: “The Southern Interconnection gas pipeline, which has been a [US government] priority for the past three administrations, will expand and diversify Bosnia and Herzegovina’s energy sector, giving BiH greater control over its energy supply by providing access to market-based natural gas and reducing dependence on a single, unreliable source.” Flynn and Binnall’s qualifications for a Balkans infrastructure venture are not immediately apparent. But since they joined, the project has enjoyed the full-throated support of the Trump administration. No competitive tender process Binnall, Flynn and Bekan’s initial discussions with Bosnian officials last autumn were about a $300m renovation of two airports. Then the Bosnian officials suggested they take on a much more significant project: the Southern Interconnection pipeline. The US has long supported the plan to connect Bosnia to a gas terminal on Croatia’s coast, which would reduce Vladimir Putin’s influence in southern Europe. During Biden’s time, the idea was for Bosnia’s state gas company to run the project. But the competing interests of Bosnia’s ethnic factions caused delay after delay. While some Bosnian officials were wary of handing the project to foreign private interests, others saw enlisting a company connected to Trump as a chance to break the deadlock. Time was running short. Bosnia is a candidate to join the EU, and Brussels has set a September 2027 deadline to cease buying gas from Russia, the source of Bosnia’s entire supply. Some senior Bosnian figures calculated that commissioning an American company could help not just energy security but safety more broadly in a region where war is a living memory. As Bekan says: “The US government protects its investments.” Yet some analysts fear Bosnia risks swapping one bully for another. No one appears to want to risk angering Trump, even if it means entrusting their hopes for a vital new energy artery to a venture with no demonstrated ability to get it done. Asked who AAFS’s shareholders are, Bekan says Binnall and Flynn plus others he declines to name. He suggests financing could come from “investment funds in the United States”, but says he cannot provide more information. Binnall says: “We are the right team for this. No other group combines on-the-ground presence in Bosnia with strong support in America. And we’re excited to take the leap because we believe Bosnia Herzegovina is the future.” A confidential AAFS proposal seen by the Guardian says the pipeline will cost €300m (£260m) with another €900m (£780m) for three power plants, with funding coming not from the Bosnian state but equity and debt. It does not specify what returns Flynn, Binnall and others involved expect for themselves. In March, new Bosnian legislation stipulated that AAFS should be the pipeline contractor. There has been no competitive tender, the usual way to ensure contracts go to a competent bidder for a fair price. Transparency International said: “Establishing such a practice in a country with one of the highest levels of corruption in Europe would lead to catastrophic consequences in the implementation of strategically important projects such as the Southern Interconnection gas pipeline.” Days later, as the Guardian revealed, the EU’s ambassador sent Bosnia’s leaders a private warning that they should be consulting with Brussels on any changes in energy policy to “avoid missing out on opportunities for further integration, as well as financial opportunities”. The US is undeterred. “This partnership strengthens energy independence and ends reliance on Russian gas,” its Sarajevo embassy posted on X in April. “A new era for energy security in the Western Balkans has begun.” Yet any new era will not begin until the Southern Interconnection is built. For that to happen, the Trump administration will need the friendship of the man who wants to break the country up. Ultranationalist wants to rip up peace accord Milorad Dodik, the ultranationalist leader of Bosnia’s Serbs, was until recently treated as a pariah by Washington. Biden’s administration accused Dodik of abusing public office “to accumulate personal wealth through graft, bribery, and other forms of corruption” and expanded sanctions against him and his family. “His divisive ethno-nationalistic rhetoric reflects his efforts to … divert attention from his corrupt activities,” a US Treasury statement said. Dodik called the sanctions “lies”. When Trump retook the presidency, Dodik embarked on a multimillion-dollar lobbying campaign to cultivate the Trump administration’s support and have the sanctions lifted. The lobbyists styled Dodik’s Serb nationalists as Trump’s allies against Islam. One of them was Michael Flynn, who earned $100,000 for a month’s work. In October, without explanation, the Trump administration cancelled the sanctions. On 7 April, Donald Trump Jr, the custodian of the family business empire, landed in Banja Luka, the main city in the Serbian half of Bosnia, for an event in his honour. Dodik’s son, Igor, gave Trump Jr a warm welcome. “Your presence speaks volumes,” he said. “We depend on you and we rely on you. In return, you, America and the Republican administration led by your father will have a reliable, truthful and Christian ally in this part of the world.” Michael Murphy, a former US ambassador to Bosnia, says Dodik is currying favour in Trump circles as he seeks to rip up the 1995 peace accord by declaring the Serb region independent. “He wants them to embrace his larger agenda. In order to get that, he can’t screw with the pipeline.” Those embracing him, he adds, are “playing with fire”. Under Bosnia’s power-sharing arrangement, the Serbs could veto the pipeline. Dodik, who remains their leader despite giving up his official position, has every reason to do so. Like the recently defeated Victor Orbán in Hungary, Dodik is an ally of Putin. Not only does Bosnia’s existing pipeline bring Russian gas, magnifying Putin’s leverage in the Balkans, it also runs across the Serbs’ territory, giving them sway over energy supplies. But a senior Bosnian Serb politician says: “I saw this myself: Americans here have a number one priority and that’s the pipeline. They are very, very keen on this. Dodik, like everyone else, was told: Don’t play around with the project.” Trump Jr did not mention the pipeline or AAFS during his event. But he extolled the benefits of buying American gas. “That’s a no-brainer,” he said. “You can solve so many problems, both business-wise and, frankly, geopolitically on this one issue. I think it’s a major opportunity.” On 21 April, shortly after Trump Jr’s visit, Dodik indicated he would not obstruct Binnall and Flynn’s plan. That leaves the Trump associates’ takeover of a crucial European energy project close to complete. Additional reporting by Joseph Gedeon in Washington

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Bound by blood: new film highlights Jamaica’s outlawed obeah belief system

A new movie from award-winning Jamaican film-maker Sosiessia Nixon shines a spotlight on Jamaica’s enduring west African-based magic and spiritual healing tradition known as obeah. Nixon’s tense, feature-length suspense, Stew Peas, tells of the story of Jamaican detective Tessa, who is obsessed with an old murder case. Tessa’s life begins to fall apart when it becomes clear that her husband, Neil, has fallen under the spell of her new maid, Marcia. The story takes a dark turn with the shocking revelation that Marcia has been adding a secret ingredient to Neil’s food – her menstrual blood. “This film focuses on the persisting Jamaican obeah belief, that a woman could ‘bind’ a man in a relationship by serving him a meal of the traditional kidney beans and meat stew, which becomes a potent love potion when her menstrual blood is added,” Nixon said. Nixon hopes the movie will spark a dialogue about the tension between Christianity and obeah, which is rooted in the country’s African heritage and still practised today despite being outlawed by colonisers in the 1700s – and still illegal today. “The practice of binding a man with stew peas remains very much taboo in Jamaica, and I wanted to open a conversation. I wanted to look at this belief system in depth. Jamaicans often say that belief kills and belief cures, meaning that whatever you believe, that is what is going to happen. So, does this thing really work?” Nixon said. Coming from St Thomas, an idyllic coastal parish on the south-eastern tip of Jamaica, sometimes nicknamed the “obeah parish”, Nixon said she was inspired by actual experiences. “Growing up in St Thomas, I was very much exposed to a lot of obeah,” Nixon said. Producer and actor, Ava Eagle Brown, who created Jamaica’s Black River film festival, said the film will resonate with Caribbean people everywhere. “There is so much of us in this film, the things that make us Jamaican – especially if you’re in the diaspora … it brings you back home.” Brown, who is also in the film, added: “It’s probably going to now have some men looking at their woman with suspicion and asking: ‘What did you put it in my stew peas?’” she said. “But on a serious level, I told my son to make sure he doesn’t eat any stew peas from any woman!” Sonjah Stanley Niaah, a Jamaican cultural studies scholar and the director for UWI’s Centre for Reparation Research, said the stew peas belief is linked to the African view that natural elements, including blood from menstruation, has an inherent potency. The idea, she added, was that the red kidney beans will mask the blood so the man being charmed cannot detect it. Stanley Niaah welcomed the opportunity to explore forms of African spiritualities, which she said are often misunderstood, after being vilified and outlawed by European colonialists who had linked them to resistance and rebellions among enslaved Africans. “People in this part of the world are people of African descent and there’s a pantheon of African spirituality that we have in our blood, that we have inherited … But [today], African spirituality has no attention, no substance, it’s not being taught in schools, we are so afraid of ourselves, we are neglecting it,” she said. She added: “What we now have is this very profound, alive and longstanding tension between Christian practices and African spirituality. Enslavement was sanctioned by the church. So, some aspects of the legislative architecture in the Caribbean were certainly driven by the need to have enslaved people not assemble, or gather for any reason, whether to worship their gods or to plan rebellions. This legislative architecture is very much present even today, when you see the Obeah Act still on the books in Jamaica.” Jamaica needs to keep making films that boldly represent the region, communities and cultures, even as it grapples with tough challenges such as rebuilding after Hurricane Melissa, Stanley Niaah said. Brown, who had to cancel this year’s film festival after Hurricane Melissa demolished parts of Black River, where the event is normally held, echoed Stanley Niaah’s sentiments, describing Stew Peas as “a ray of hope”, as Jamaica’s multibillion-dollar creative industry struggles to recover. “This year I had to postpone the Black River film festival, which was a real blow because it was part of how Jamaican creatives were starting to connect with the globe, including contacts from major networks like Canal+ and Netflix,” she said. She added: “The hurricane destroyed so much! It destroyed infrastructure, equipment and for some people it destroyed hope. And that is why we need projects like this that demonstrate the resilience of Jamaicans, and send a message to the world that we are still making music and movies and adding that quintessential Jamaican green, gold and black hue to entertainment.” Jamaica’s film commissioner Jackie Jacqueline Jackson said films such as Stew Peas are “a powerful testament to the resilience, ingenuity, and determination of Jamaica’s creative industry”. “It’s important to keep going and demonstrate that Jamaica is still open for business. By signalling this, it encourages international productions to return to Jamaica which positively affects jobs and film production expenditure,” she added.