Read the daily news to learn English

picture of article

Middle East crisis live: at least two people killed and 11 injured in Israeli strikes on southern Beirut, reports say

Gaza’s health ministry said in its latest update that at least ten people were killed and 36 others injured in Israeli attacks across the territory over the past day. The health ministry says 961 people have been killed in Israeli attacks since the supposed ceasefire between Israel and Hamas came into effect in October 2025. It says that 72,971 people, many of whom were women and children, have been killed in Israeli attacks across Gaza since October 2023, when Isreal launched its assault on the territory following the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on 7 October 2023, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 taken hostage.

picture of article

Israel escalates war against Hezbollah with airstrikes on Beirut suburbs

Israel has carried out airstrikes on the southern suburbs of Beirut, the most serious escalation in its war with Hezbollah since a ceasefire was established in mid-April. The strike hit two apartments in two separate buildings, Lebanon’s state news agency reported, killing two people and wounding 11, according to an initial death toll. The Israeli prime minister’s office said that the Israeli military had struck “terrorist headquarters” in the southern suburbs “in response to Hezbollah’s firing at Israeli territory”. Israel said that it intercepted Hezbollah rocket fire at northern Israel on Sunday morning, though the armed group did not claim responsibility for the attacks. The attacks showered the streets in rubble and caused a wave of people to flee the southern suburbs in fear of further strikes. The strikes on Beirut came just days after a ceasefire proposal agreed by the Lebanese government and Israel was rejected by Hezbollah. Washington had previously asked Israel to not strike Beirut, though Israeli media reported that the US had been informed before Sunday’s strike. Iran had also previously threatened that any attack on Beirut would be met with its own attack on northern Israel. It had yet to comment on Israel’s attack on Sunday. Fighting in Lebanon started on 2 March when Hezbollah launched rockets at Israel in retaliation for the killing of Iran’s late supreme leader Ali Khamenei, triggering an Israeli invasion. Israeli strikes have killed more than 3,613 people in Lebanon, while Hezbollah has killed at least 30 Israeli soldiers in Lebanon and 3 Israeli civilians. The skirmishes in Lebanon have been an obstacle for Iran-US negotiations, as Tehran insists that Lebanon be included in a broader ceasefire deal. On Sunday, Trump told NBC News he was not demanding that Lebanon be part of any peace deal with Iran, claiming again that such an agreement, which has so far proved elusive, was near. “I think they’d like to see it, but I’m not demanding,” Trump said in the interview recorded on Friday. He added: “We’re very close to a deal, or I’m going ‌to ⁠blow the hell out of them [Iran].” Before the strike on Sunday, Israel had issued a forced evacuation order for most of the city of Tyre, one of the largest cities in southern Lebanon which is hosting thousands of people displaced from villages in the surrounding area. The Israeli army said that it would soon begin striking Hezbollah infrastructure in the city, exempting Tyre’s Christian quarter from the evacuation order. Israel also carried out airstrikes across the south of Lebanon, while Hezbollah claimed responsibility for rocket and artillery barrages against Israeli troops in the Nabatieh area. Fighting has been concentrated around the city of Zawtar al-Sharqiya after Israel took the Beaufort Castle along the route to Nabatieh, a large city in south Lebanon that is has been encircling. On Saturday, the Israeli military killed two Lebanese army soldiers and an army captain in a strike on their vehicle. The Lebanese army is not party to the Hezbollah-Israel war. The government of Lebanon and Israel are negotiating directly in Washington in an attempt to reach a comprehensive ceasefire. Hezbollah, which is the party fighting with Israel, is not participating in talks and in recent days has said it will not agree to any ceasefire deal that does not include a withdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanon and an end to Israeli strikes across the country, not just in Beirut. It is unclear how negotiations in Washington will be affected by Israel’s latest strikes on Beirut.

picture of article

Pete Hegseth’s D-day speech on immigration condemned as ‘grotesque stupidity’

The US defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, has been accused by historians and rights campaigners of “grotesque stupidity” and desecrating the memory of the soldiers who stormed the beaches of Normandy after he sought to link immigration to the D-day anniversary, saying Europe was facing a different “invasion” of its shores. Speaking in north-west France on Saturday to mark the 82nd anniversary of the D-day landings, Hegseth seized on the moment marking the wartime liberation of Europe to reiterate the US administration’s longstanding attack on European immigration policies. “Sadly, today, different European beaches are stormed by different, dangerous ideologies,” Hegseth told those gathered at the American military cemetery in Colleville-sur-Mer. “Beaches in Spain, Italy, Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion, or is it too late? I pray not, and I believe not,” he said. “The men who fought and died here restored freedom to Europe,” added Hegseth, a former Fox News host. “That freedom must be maintained by this generation of leaders and war fighters, or what they fought for was merely temporary.” The remarks were swiftly condemned on social media. The English historian, author and television presenter Simon Schama described them as a “special kind of loathsomeness: a blend of historical deafness, grotesque stupidity and comically ludicrous self-importance”. Schama added: “As if the little people’s rage against immigration somehow is superior to the war against the 3rd Reich and entitles this comic book nobody to lecture the actual heroes.” From Jerusalem, the Israeli human rights lawyer Daniel Seidemann also weighed in. “This is an obscene desecration of the memories of those who stormed the beaches of Normandy, and especially of those who fell,” he wrote. Anders Åslund, a Swedish economist and former senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, contrasted the comments with Hegseth’s later remarks on the US standing alongside its allies. “So much nonsense,” he wrote on social media. “‘We stand by our allies!’ No you don’t. You just attacked them. Immigration policies are internal matters.” Åslund said Hegseth’s comments were particularly “clueless” given his recent decision to skip a key Nato meeting and Donald Trump’s vows to cut the number of troops in Europe. “Doesn’t Hegseth know that the most unreliable ‘ally’ by far is the US?” he said. Hegseth’s outsized focus on EU migration echoes comments made by other American officials, including Trump, who have consistently sought to criticise the impact of migration on the continent, despite the US having a higher proportion of foreign-born residents than the EU. Hours before Hegseth’s speech, the US vice-president, JD Vance, also waded into the matter with a social media post that blamed immigration for the killing of Henry Nowak, an 18-year-old British student stabbed in the UK. Nowak’s killer, a British-born Sikh, was convicted of murder and jailed for life with a minimum of 21 years. On Sunday, the UK justice secretary and deputy prime minister, David Lammy, said he had had an “agreeable” conversation in which he had sought to set the record straight with Vance. “This has got nothing to do with mass migration. This young man was a Brit,” Lammy told Sky News. “Let’s be clear about that. And I said: ‘Look, Mr Vice-president, you’re wrong about this.’” In the days before Hegseth’s visit to France, the plans had stirred up controversy, with one residents’ association calling for the trip to be cancelled. “This individual promotes values that go against democracy, human rights and peace,” the Langrune en Commun association, which advocates for environmentalism and solidarity among the village’s residents, said in a press release last week. Speaking to the broadcaster BFMTV, one member of the association cautioned against acting as though everything was normal. “What’s happening with the Trump administration isn’t business as usual. The fact that Pete Hegseth is challenging all the international organisations that emerged from the second world war isn’t business as usual,” said Chantal Richard. “The words must be spoken, he must be called out for who he is, for the values he represents: colonial, warmongering, racist, far-right values,” she added. “Silence seems to us to be the worst thing we can do on these issues.”

picture of article

Russian drone hits building storing spent nuclear fuel near Chornobyl

A Russian Shahed drone has substantially damaged a building used to store spent nuclear fuel close to the disused Chornobyl nuclear power plant, in what Ukraine’s president described as a deliberate and “extremely vile” attack. While the structure – the reception building of the spent fuel storage facility – was empty of containers at the time, the targeting of the sensitive site appeared to be direct messaging from Moscow amid an intensifying battle of long-range aerial strikes in which high-profile locations on both sides have been hit. “As of now, there is no heightening of radiation safety limits. But there is clearly a heightening of Russia’s already sky-high arrogance,” Volodymyr Zelenskyy said after the attack, which took place at about 2am. “It was [a] critical infrastructure facility. And an extremely vile Russian attack.” Zelenskyy was due to meet Keir Starmer, the Emmanuel Macron and Friedrich Merz on Sunday at a summit in London to discuss the continuing conflict. Andrii Sybiha, Ukraine’s foreign minister, posted on X: “This is not the first time Russian forces are putting Ukrainian nuclear facilities at risk. Russia’s nuclear blackmail and threats to nuclear safety are systemic, deliberate, and unacceptable.” The spent fuel storage facility is located about 9 miles from the Chornobyl plant that in 1986 was the scene of the world’s worst nuclear accident. A fire covering about 40 square metres broke out after Sunday’s strike and was extinguished. No personnel were injured. Energoatom, the state nuclear power operator, said radiation levels at the site remained within normal limits. The International Atomic Energy Agency said its experts were preparing to visit the site and that although the strike had caused significant damage, radiation levels at the site remained within established levels. The centralised spent nuclear fuel storage facility is designed to provide long-term storage for spent nuclear fuel from Ukraine’s nuclear power plants. On Saturday a long-range Ukrainian strike targeted the historic naval town of Kronstadt, near St Petersburg, as the city’s high-profile economic forum was winding up. Russia’s defence ministry said on Sunday its air defences had downed 500 Ukrainian drones in the past 24 hours, Interfax news agency reported. The Kremlin has threatened to escalate systematic attacks on key sites including decision-making centres in Ukraine. Russia has not publicly commented on the attack on the Chornobyl facility. In February 2025, a Russian attack drone damaged a containment arch over the Chornobyl reactor that was destroyed in the 1986 explosion and meltdown. Russia denied responsibility. Energoatom said: “The strike on a nuclear infrastructure facility has once again shown the world the true face of the Kremlin regime, which deliberately poses threats to nuclear and radiation safety.” Kyiv and Moscow have also traded accusations of attacking the Russian-occupied Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant in south-eastern Ukraine, Europe’s largest.

picture of article

‘Görli is our garden’: Berliners fight to stop mayor locking their park at night

The “hollow” in Görlitzer Park was heaving with revellers who had gathered in reaction to a court ruling against Berlin’s mayor who wanted to lock it up at night. “Görli is our garden,” said Monika, a retired psychiatric nurse who lives nearby and had joined the crowds on Monday night for a beer and a bop on the popular deep bowl-shaped meadow in the Kreuzberg district. “Görli is where we socialise and where my daughter grew up,” she said, using the affectionate nickname for the centrally located green space covering 14 hectares (35 acres). A decades-long on-off row about the park’s patrons and its role in Berlin’s daily life resurfaced earlier this year when the state government voted to seal it with a perimeter fence overnight in order to squeeze out the drug dealers and addicts who proliferate there. “We must, in the literal sense, take back control of Görlitzer Park,” the mayor, Kai Wegner, declared in 2023 after a “security summit”. After much deliberation, a metal fence with 16 gates, installed at a cost of about €2m (£1.7m), became operational on 1 March. After the ruling on Monday, the fence has stayed up but the gates have remained open 24/7. Few deny the problems attached to drug dealing – families report finding syringes and human faeces in playground sandpits and women say they have been abused. But “a fence doesn’t solve any problems, it just moves them elsewhere”, said Monika, a member of Görli Zaunfrei (Görli Fence-Free), one of several groups that campaigned against the fence and are calling for a more integrated, sustainable and better-funded plan to tackle the park’s challenges. Monday’s court ruling came as a blow to Wegner, of the conservative Christian Democrat party, who faces an election in September that he has billed as referendum on his promise to clamp down on crime in the German capital. In Kreuzberg, a culturally diverse and bohemian neighbourhood, parts of which have rapidly gentrified, he is disparagingly referred to as the “Zaunkönig” (fence king). “He himself has nothing to lose in Kreuzberg, where the CDU hardly stands a chance politically,” said Judith, a teacher and, like Monika, a member of Görli Zaunfrei. The park has long been at the centre of wider culture war debates in Germany, to the extent that most Berliners – and many beyond – have an opinion about it even if they have never set foot in it. As Judith put it: “A fence around Görli was never anything more than symbol politics – an election campaign gift for CDU voters in the suburbs.” As opponents of the fence predicted, illicit activity has been pushed into neighbouring areas, where there are reports of drug users being found sleeping in the stairwells and doorways of apartments and kindergartens. Many of the Berliners interviewed by the Guardian in the park this week – from people watching their grandchildren at a play day to a group singing campfire ballads – said they would rather the €2m, and estimated annual security costs of €800,000, were used to tackle addiction and related issues. Residents and local politicians complain that resources for drop-in drug centres, social workers and drug consumption rooms have been frozen or cut back. One of the legal headaches faced by Wegner is that by erecting the fence, he has ruled against the will of the district council responsible for the space. “It reminds us of Trump in California – going over the heads of those in power there, to assert his law and order,” said an elderly woman walking her chihuahua at dusk. She spoke of her frustration at being forced to curtail “walkies at dawn”. Long-term residents say the spirit of the community campaign is reminiscent of clashes between police and Kreuzbergers in the 70s and 80s, when squatters campaigned with considerable success to save the elegant period buildings that surround the park from being bulldozed. At the height of what has often been a high-spirited campaign to remove the fence, activists dressed as Easter bunnies handed out copies of the master keys to locks on the fencing, which actually worked, and offered tips on the whereabouts of gaps where they said “night-time hoppers” could enter the park. In response to supporters of the fence who have asked why the park needed to stay open late at night, an older, blind man said it intersected with several residential streets and that its closure forced pedestrians and cyclists to take significant detours along routes that were often poorly lit. He described Görli as his “vital shortcut” from the stop where the night bus dropped him off to his flat. Wegner has said the senate will appeal against the interim ruling, which could be reversed. Monika said: “We are making the most of the situation in the meantime.” She and Judith, who met through their campaigning and are now friends, said one good aspect of the fence was that it had brought the community closer together. They are now on a crusade to pull down the park’s boundaries altogether, Judith said, so that “people can go in and out whenever they like and no one needs to feel scared”.

picture of article

‘It’s time to move forward’: Armenians vote in election closely watched by Russia and EU

Armenians are going to the polls in an election that could cement the country’s shift towards Europe and away from its traditional alliance with Russia. Prime minister Nikol Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party enters the vote as the favourite, ahead of three opposition candidates who advocate for closer ties with Moscow. Pashinyan’s main challenger, Samvel Karapetyan, a Russian-Armenian billionaire who built much of his fortune in Russia, has been forced to campaign from house arrest at his mansion outside Yerevan. Much is at stake for the South Caucasus nation of 3 million people, with Moscow, Brussels and Washington all closely watching the vote. A Karapetyan victory could set Armenia on a trajectory similar to neighbouring Georgia, where a billionaire with Russian-made wealth has spent years dismantling pro-western reforms and pulling the country back towards Moscow. A strong majority for Pashinyan would give him a mandate to pursue his signature and politically sensitive goal: a peace agreement with Armenia’s longtime enemy Azerbaijan and the normalisation of relations with Turkey. A former journalist who swept to power during the 2018 Velvet Revolution, Pashinyan has campaigned on a platform of peace, arguing that ending Armenia’s decades-long confrontation with its neighbours would unlock economic opportunities, improve security and reduce its dependence on Russia. The prime minister, known for his populist and often emotional rhetoric, has sought closer ties with Europe, signalling that Armenia’s future lies in deeper integration with the west and expressing hope that the country could one day join the European Union. Pashinyan has received an endorsement from Donald Trump, who described him as “a great friend and leader”. The US has taken on an increasingly prominent role in efforts to broker a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Sunday’s vote is the first national election since Armenia’s loss of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 2023, a traumatic defeat that ended more than three decades of Armenian control over the disputed region. The opposition has sought to portray the loss as evidence of Pashinyan’s failures, accusing him of surrendering historical Armenian lands to its enemies. Yet Pashinyan has tried to turn the issue into a political asset. Arguing that Armenia’s pursuit of Karabakh helped trap the country in perpetual conflict and dependence on Russia, he has presented the painful chapter as the necessary starting point for a more secure and prosperous future. Anahit Sarkisyan, a lawyer from Yerevan, said after casting her vote on Sunday: “Pashinyan has a vision for the future, the rest are stuck in the past. We can’t be in endless wars with our neighbours. It’s time to move forward” Pashinyan’s course has put him in the crosshairs of Moscow, which has long projected influence over Armenian politics and the economy. Many Armenians became disillusioned with Russia after Moscow failed to come to their aid when Azerbaijan seized Nagorno-Karabakh despite the presence of Russian peacekeepers in the region. The fallout prompted Pashinyan to suspend Armenia’s participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) of six post-Soviet states, including Russia, marking the most dramatic rupture in relations with Moscow since the country’s independence. In the run-up to the election, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, said Armenia, which has not formally applied for EU membership, was heading down the same path as Ukraine. “And where did it start?” Putin said, referring to Armenia’s EU push. “With Ukraine seeking to join the European Union.” Armenian officials and analysts have accused Russia of attempting to influence the election through disinformation campaigns in favour of pro-Russian candidates, and efforts to fly Armenians living in Russia back home to vote against Pashinyan. In recent weeks, Moscow has adopted a more overt approach, imposing a series of trade restrictions affecting everything from flowers and fish to fruit and Armenian brandy. But these last-ditch measures have so far failed to put a dent in Armenia’s economy. Buoyed up by strong economic growth following the influx of Russian businesses and capital after the invasion of Ukraine, Pashinyan has invested heavily in Armenia’s regions, where his support remains strongest. Yet observers have also pointed to his increasingly personalised style of politics, and what critics describe as growing authoritarian tendencies in Armenia, a country that remains a rare democratic outlier in a region largely governed by strongmen. In the run-up to the elections, Armenian authorities arrested opposition figures, including members of Karapetyan’s party, on accusations ranging from vote-buying and financial crimes to calls to overthrow the government. Karapetyan himself was detained in June and charged with calling for the seizure of power, leading him to campaign from house arrest. Pashinyan has at times appeared erratic, engaging in ugly public disputes with refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh, whom he accused of having “run away” from the region rather than staying to fight. The EU, meanwhile, has largely brushed aside criticism of Pashinyan, making little secret of its support for Armenia’s shift away from Moscow. Brussels this week announced an initial €50m support package to help Armenia withstand Russian economic pressure. Karen Grigoryan, a doctor, who voted for Karapetyan on Sunday, said: “Pashinyan is not the man he was when he came to power.” Referring to the Ottoman-era mass killings of Armenians that Yerevan and many western countries recognise as genocide, he added: “We can’t just be friendly with Turkey and pretend the past is erased.” Observers say many voters continue to back Pashinyan largely because the opposition remains deeply discredited and closely linked to Russia. Tatul Hakobyan, a popular Armenian commentator, saidL “People are choosing the lesser of two evils. The alternatives to Pashinyan are much worse.”

picture of article

Air-raid alerts and frontline memoirs: Kyiv hosts literary festival amid war

It was a literary festival, all right, but if your reference for such things is Hay-on-Wye and Edinburgh, or Melbourne and Sydney, or New York and Washington DC, then at Kyiv Book Arsenal you might think you had slipped through a crack in the universe and landed in an alternative reality. For a start, they were so young, the audience members. Dressed in their considerable best, they clutched their bags of books bought directly from publishers’ stalls and stopped to hug their friends – the festival providing the perfect opportunity for a people-watching passeggiata through its venue, the city’s vast 18th-century military arsenal. As an outsider, you wouldn’t know it from the surging crowds and the loo queues, but, remarkably, this was, everyone said, a touch quieter than previous editions of the festival. That was partly the fault of the terrible weather (Kyiv apparently having swapped its usual spring heat for Hay-on-Wye’s accustomed rain). But there was also the small fact that there had been repeated warnings of an imminent Russian attack of the kind that had struck the previous week, when the invaders let loose 60 missiles and 600 drones, most of them targeted at Ukraine’s capital. Such an attack – a rain of ballistic missiles and Shahed drones on the city – did not come until after the festival had ended, on Monday night. Even so, on Friday the venue was evacuated several times, and the deputy minister for culture, Bohdana Laiuk, had to compete with the air-raid alert to award a prize for the best foreign translation of a Ukrainian book (won by Nina Murray for her English version of Lesia Ukrainka’s early-20th-century feminist verse drama, Cassandra). Then there were the military uniforms, everywhere. The 8th Air Assault Force was running arguably the best coffee stand (setting a high bar in a coffee-obsessed country), handing out bookmarks printed with the slogan “If you love reading, we like you”, and a link to donate. The cultural forces of the army had set up an ammo box for donated books to be sent to the frontline: offerings included Ukrainian translations of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland and The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy, plus a volume by the contemporary poet Halyna Kruk and a recent work about life on the frontline, Please Don’t Be Afraid, by Pavlo “Pashtet” Belyanskiy. A sign of the nation’s complete engulfing by war was the presence of so many soldiers on the stages; writers who had become soldiers, soldiers who had become writers. The Russia-Ukraine war has dragged on so grievously, and for so long, that entire publishing cycles have turned since 2022. Earlier in the full-scale invasion, it was volumes of verse that emerged, poetry being the form that could most swiftly encapsulate the explosion of time and meaning wrought by war. But now soldiers have had time, after four years, to put together finely tuned volumes of frontline memoir. “I’m seeing more and more books describing the experience of those who have joined the army, reflecting a change of status from civil to military and how it has impacted on their sense of selves,” said one of the festival’s programmers, Maksym Butkevych, a human rights defender who volunteered for the army in 2022 and was captured, tortured and held prisoner for two years. It was he who had suggested the tagline for this year’s festival, which, in its English translation “bear your freedom”, hinted at the burden of responsibility that comes with the privilege of liberty. “Reading is a symbol of freedom – something that during most of my time in captivity I was forbidden from doing. It is the place where you have an inner world that cannot be invaded by the captors,” he said. A balance between freedom, frankness and responsibility was one of the subjects of onstage discussion between soldier-memoirists, including Artur Dron’, a young writer and poet whose new volume of essays, Hemingway Knows Nothing, has become a bestseller. In a context in which such writing is not subject to government censorship, where truth-telling about ugly frontline conditions seems a necessary precondition for bridging the gap of experience between combatants and civilians, the writers debated whether they had a duty to impose a degree of self-censorship, for the common good. “It’s not about forbidding yourself something,” said Dron’ in the session, “but about feeling responsible for what you do.” In another session, titled Fragility of the Hero, Dron’ and others dwelled on the importance of disengaging from an old-fashioned Soviet image of the soldier as an inhumanly, untouchably, perfect being. That kind of hyperbolic rhetoric, said Dron’, risked allowing citizens to outsource individual responsibility for the country on to these supposedly flawless “heroes”. “If we put the military on to a pedestal,” added Butkevych, “we deprive them of the right to be ordinary, imperfect human beings.” Time has also engendered new approaches in prose. From the clipped, self-consciously unexperimental documentary writing of the early years, new forms are emerging, such as Katya Iakovlenko’s poetic book-length essay Donbas as a Metaphor, newly out in Ukrainian from ist publishing. Sasha Dovzhyk, the director of the Institute for Documentation and Exchange (Index), which supports writers and researchers in documenting the invasion, pointed to work by Anna Gruver, who, in her hybrid of “diary, essay and poetic writing” was “breaking free of expectations of what ‘war writing’ should be. Writers are ready to experiment.” Not everything was directly focused on the war. There were huge book signing queues for Ilarion Pavliuk’s fat mystery novels (one air-defence volunteer was carrying two to be signed, along with a handful of kids’ books for his grandchildren in the US). The national treasure and public intellectual Oksana Zabuzhko talked about the 30th anniversary of her novel Fieldwork in Ukrainian Sex, which was a bestselling feminist succès de scandale when it was published in 1996 and a trailblazer for Ukrainian-language publishing in the newly independent country. The Osnovy publishing house was promoting titles including the first Ukrainian translation of EM Forster’s A Room With a View. On the outdoor stage, performers were competing for the national slam poetry championships. There were collage workshops for teenagers, soft play for kids, a Ukrainian calligraphy studio and a quiet room in case the sensory overload got on top of you. But of course, the war pervaded everything. The publishers themselves had had a tough ride, along with everyone else over the past winter of blackouts and freezing temperatures. One talked of rising material costs exacerbated by the exchange rate against the euro; the necessary but costly use of generators in printing factories and warehouses; floods damaging stock when heating systems exploded after the winter freeze; delayed print runs. All of it meant books were more expensive for buyers. “Two years ago people were buying two or three books without hesitation,” the publisher said. “Now it’s a question of, this one, or this one?” It was hard to imagine a book festival in which the stakes could be higher. The boom in Ukrainian publishing that began three years ago was the direct result of a shift in consciousness for many Ukrainians, one that encompassed a move away from the Russian language and literature that many had grown up with. As Bohdana Laiuk (then Neborak) said in 2023: “People began to understand that the Russians came here to kill people simply because they were Ukrainian. So people are asking: what does it actually mean to be Ukrainian? Literary culture gives us the place to understand who we are.” “Kyiv Book Arsenal is more than a book festival, it’s a laboratory for exchanging ideas,” said Butkevych. “It’s about discussing our values and what we share as a community. Everything is intertwined: the Ukrainian language, book buying, discussing ideas – these are the threads that knit our community together.”

picture of article

‘Racist mindsets’: Congolese in Ireland feel fear in wake of Yves Sakila’s death

When Kembetia Bissa fled the Democratic Republic of the Congo and moved to Ireland in 2003 he found not only sanctuary but beauty, friendship and a home. The asylum seeker settled in Bandon, west Cork, and found work as a landscaper. He opened an African dance school with Congolese drumming and taught local people the rhythms of his homeland. “It was very positive, very welcoming. I felt like I was in my own country,” Bissa, 55, said this week in Dublin. Times have changed. For the interview with the Guardian he took a Luas tram from Tallaght, a west Dublin suburb, to the city centre. When he sat down a white man beside him glowered, stood up and moved away. “He did not want to be near me.” It was a small indicator that for some Congolese people and other refugees, immigrants and people of colour, the welcome is over. A spate of recent incidents in Ireland, including a shocking death with echoes of George Floyd, have prompted a reckoning over race and racism. “We are actually scared now,” said Bissa, who runs the Facebook group, Congolese Community in Ireland (CCI). “We are scared that they should start to target us in our homes, on the street. If this thing is not controlled the number of deaths will be worse.” On 15 May department store security guards chased and caught Yves Sakila, 35, a Congolese man suspected of shoplifting. Video footage showed him pinned to the pavement on Henry Street for about five minutes, with one man kneeling on his neck. When police arrived they briefly handcuffed Sakila before realising he was unresponsive and took him to hospital, where he was pronounced dead. Police are still investigating and Sakila’s family has requested a second postmortem after the first proved inconclusive but the protesters who have marched and held vigils do not doubt that race played a part in his death. It is not just the parallels with George Floyd, who died after a Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck in 2020, it is the context. Days before Sakila’s death, Bertie Ahern, a former taoiseach, was secretly filmed saying: “The ones I worry about are the Africans. We can’t be taking in people from the Congo and all these places.” Ahern was canvassing in a Dublin byelection that platformed hostility to Black immigrants and Muslims. They are blamed for crime, housing shortages and the cost of living crisis, a narrative amplified by far-right agitators. In recent years, mobs have attacked refugee shelters and targeted foreigners, including an Indian man who was beaten and stripped. PRINT CUT A Facebook page that requested justice for Sakila was inundated with scornful comments from users who cited Sakila’s numerous criminal convictions, including for shoplifting, and the fact that he was homeless. “Why wasn’t he deported?” said one. “Can you forward some of your literature as I am short of toilet paper,” said another. “Bring them security fellas before the witchdoctor,” said another. The backlash is not limited to online trolling. END PRINT CUT Stallholders who work a block from where Sakila died expressed resentment at the fuss, and said the media overlooked violence by Black perpetrators against white people. “It’s all about that, this crowd marching every week,” said Martina Farrell, 66, a fruit seller, referencing the protests and vigils for Sakila. “A white fella can be killed and there’s nothing about that,” she said, citing a recent case. Others echoed her view. PRINT CUT Alan Clarke said new arrivals were displacing Irish people from shelters and social housing. “There is more Irish on the streets because the foreigners are taking the properties.” END PRINT CUT For Bissa, it has been a long, melancholic arc from teaching African dance to hearing clamours for deportation. The manner in which a guard restrained Sakila showed dehumanisation, he said. “Did he think he was putting his knees on the neck of a dog, an animal, or a human being?” Bissa attributed xenophobia to the speed of demographic change and a failure to integrate newcomers. “The Congolese community feels detached from Irish society. The government should work with our leaders to connect people.” He estimates that since the 2022 census, the Congolese community has more than doubled to about 8,000. They are part of a much wider influx. Between 2012 and 2022, 401,433 people arrived from abroad. Of the 5.1 million population, a fifth were born elsewhere – though a large proportion are from the UK. Ireland’s experience of colonialism and discrimination did not guarantee empathy with outsiders, especially in an era of social media disinformation, said Leon Diop, founder of the advocacy group Black and Irish and author of a memoir titled Mixed Up: An Irish Boy’s Journey to Belonging. “People are being pulled into racist mindsets.” Many Irish people were hospitable but the traditional greeting, céad míle fáilte, which translates as 100,000 welcomes, needed updating, he said. “We’re now the country of 75,000 welcomes rather than the country of 100,000 welcomes.” PRINT CUTBulelani Mfaco, a former spokesperson for the Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland, said rhetoric with racialised undertones, some of it imported from the UK, had eroded tolerance. “It comes from politicians and then people see it as an opportunity to commit acts of violence.” Ireland’s far right had flopped in elections but infected the political mainstream with its vocabulary, said Mfaco. “When you talk about people being a problem, the natural response is to eliminate the problem. Words have an impact.” When asylum seekers had opportunities to engage directly with Irish people the response was often warm, said Mfaco, citing an example from Achill Island in County Mayo. “It gives me hope.” On Henry Street, rain extinguished candles at a memorial for Sakila. Some nearby stallholders expressed sorrow over his fate. “No matter what he stole or didn’t steal, it wasn’t right,” said Caroline, 56. “Doesn’t matter what colour he is, it’s still a life.” END PRINT CUT