Trump’s approach to Africa: more trade deals, less democracy and human rights
When he convened the leaders of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to sign a peace deal in early December, Donald Trump promised an end to decades of fighting in the latter nation’s volatile east, and open up opportunities for businesses in all three countries “to make a lot of money”. But Trump took a wildly different approach to conflict resolution weeks later, when he announced that the US military had carried out Christmas Day strikes on targets he said were linked to the Islamic State (IS) in north-west Nigeria. “I have previously warned these Terrorists that if they did not stop the slaughtering of Christians, there would be hell to pay, and tonight, there was,” the president wrote in a social media post that warned of further attacks to come. It was a clear encapsulation of the US president’s approach to sub-Saharan Africa in his second term, in which human rights and democracy promotion have been de-emphasized in favor of a stated focus on trade and ending wars – though how that squares with the nascent air campaign in Nigeria remains to be seen. The shift became apparent early in Trump’s second term, when Troy Fitrell, then a top state department official for the continent, said during a March visit to Côte d’Ivoire: “We no longer see Africa as a continent in need of handouts, but as a capable commercial partner. ‘Trade, not aid,’ a slogan we’ve seen thrown around for years, is now truly our policy for Africa”. Fitrell did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, White House spokesperson Anna Kelly said Trump “has treated Africa not as a charity case, but as a powerhouse partner. Under his leadership, American capital, technology, and diplomacy are helping African nations secure peace, build real energy independence, and turn their natural wealth into jobs and opportunity for their people.” It’s a consequential pivot, but African experts say it’s too soon to tell what it will amount to, or whether it can survive the personal touch Trump brings to diplomacy with the continent, in which he has also feuded with longstanding US partners and insulted Africans themselves. “The organizing principle is, if it’s in the long-term or short-term interest of the United States, as I see it, then I’m going to do it,” said Ebenezer Obadare, a senior fellow for Africa studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. The first big decision Trump made towards the continent was the dismantling of USAID, which had been heavily involved in development and emergency assistance in sub-Saharan Africa. With it gone, a study published in the Lancet forecasts an additional 14m deaths globally by 2030, with many of those likely to occur in Africa. He has also singled out African governments and nationalities for restrictions and criticism. Trump is feuding with the government of South Africa, has publicly railed against Somalis, cracked down on visas for citizens from more than two dozen African countries and halted refugee admissions – with the exception of a small group of white South Africans. The global tariff barrage he unleashed has hit businesses in African nations who have depended on US markets, such Lesotho’s textile manufacturers, and the Republican-controlled Congress hardly made a peep when the African Growth and Opportunity Act, a longstanding measure to facilitate trade between the United States and the continent, lapsed in September. While Barack Obama made four trips to the continent during his presidency and Joe Biden would go on to make one, Trump never visited sub-Saharan Africa during his first term. His best known foray into African affairs came when he sparked official fury by dubbing its 54 nations “shithole countries” in a widely reported private remark, which Trump recently confirmed he had indeed uttered. Murithi Mutiga, the program director for Africa at the International Crisis Group, a non-profit focused on addressing global conflicts, said all signs indicate that disinterest will continue in his second term. “Africa clearly runs dead bottom in his list of priorities, not just for Trump, but for the administration in general,” he said. Mutiga pointed to the national security strategy the Trump administration released last month, in which Africa was given three paragraphs at the very end of the 29-page document. “The United States should instead look to partner with select countries to ameliorate conflict, foster mutually beneficial trade relationships, and transition from a foreign aid paradigm to an investment and growth paradigm capable of harnessing Africa’s abundant natural resources and latent economic potential,” it reads. Trump’s visa restrictions against African nations and coarse language towards its people “will accelerate trends that were already there in terms of young people increasingly looking to the east for opportunities, particularly for higher education”, Mutiga warns. Trump’s dispute with South Africa appears to have been influenced by his erstwhile ally Elon Musk, who was born there and has alleged that the white Afrikaner minority is being persecuted. That led to the United States boycotting the G20 leaders summit last month in Johannesburg, and Trump vowing to stop South African delegates from attending next year’s meeting in Florida. Redi Tlhabi, a veteran South African journalist living in Washington DC, said that Pretoria’s case before the international court of justice alleging genocide by US ally Israel was a major factor driving the animosity. But the narrative of a “white genocide” happening in South Africa also “aligns beautifully now in Trump’s second term with US political culture and the idea that diversity is not welcome, it’s a threat”, she added. A similar fight seemed to be brewing with Nigeria in November, when Trump threatened to cut off aid and send the military in “guns-a-blazing” after saying its government “continues to allow the killing of Christians”. That collided with the complicated reality in Africa’s most-populous nation, which is about evenly divided between Christians and Muslims and riven with security crises that have killed and displaced people of both religions. Clement Nwankwo, executive director of the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre thinktank in Nigeria’s capital Abuja, said Trump’s words had the potential to spur change among Nigerian leaders who have long been viewed as unable to stop, or even complicit in, the violence. “The Nigerian government appears to be saying the right things in recent weeks, since President Trump made his threat,” Nwankwo said. “And for a lot of Nigerians, seeing the Nigerian government becoming responsive to this threat is what was needed in the first place.” After the Christmas airstrike, Nigerian government officials said they had approved the US intervention, and may collaborate on further attacks. Trump has made no secret of his desire to win a Nobel peace prize, and joined forces with Qatar to mediate the conflict in the eastern DRC, while sending an envoy to negotiate a resolution to Sudan’s disastrous civil war, so far without success. While the Congo deal appears to have been broken right away, Mutiga said it “helps to at least introduce a degree of diplomacy and a channel outside the battlefield”. “I think we need to give some credit to the US, even if they’re probably impelled by extractive interests, at least it’s better than nothing,” he added. Obadare characterized the new US approach as similar to those of its rivals Russia and China, who have deepened their involvement in the continent in recent decades. “It’s a long overdue recognition of African agency, and to that extent, it represents, at least at the level of symbols, taking Africa very seriously,” he said. Tlhabi predicted that in practice, the new approach will mean, “an African country that doesn’t have anything to put on the table … is not on his radar.” “The engagement that we are talking about in the second Trump administration, I don’t think it’s aimed at spreading the milk of human kindness, as it were, it is about a transactional posture towards Africa,” she added.







